127b.-anarchism-and-black-revolution-2.pdf

127b.-anarchism-and-black-revolution-2.pdf
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ANHRRCHICM
Ane is

Bt rick
REVOLUTION

ode Lorenzo Kom'boa Evin

Anarchism and the Black Revolution

By Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

First Edition December of 2005 - 100 copies 2
Published by The Books 4 Prisoners Crew

Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin's Ansrchism and:the Black Revolution hes been
released on numerous occasions, ith rewiitds along the way. This version
‘was originally published in the early 1990s, but msintsins the gist of
pervious (and possibly future) versions. This version also includes one of
Lorenzo's newer essays “Be careful what you ask for” an interesting and
Insightful essay on the realities and pitfalls of Black reformist thoaght which
is found exclusively in this edition,

Suggested asking price for free world folk $5. Free to prisoners In the
statesiareas covered by our program on request.

This work is Intended to be anti copyright for the purpose of getting it to as
many prisoners in need as possible. It is available to read for free on the
Anarchist People of Color website at htip://www:illegalvoices.org.

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GSS eae

ANARGHISH AND BLACK REVOLUTION PART 1

An Analysis of White Supremacy.
How the Capitalists Use Racism.
So What Type of Anti-Racist Group is Needed?
‘The Myth of "Reverse Racism"
Defeat white supremacy!

ANARCHISM AND BLACK REVOLUTION PART 2

Where is the Black Struggle and where should it be
going?. Page 10
A Call for a New Black Protest Movement.
What form will this movement take’
‘Revolutionary strategy and tactics.
A Black Tax Boycott...

A National Rent Strike and Urban Squatting
A Boycott of American Business
A Black General Strike...
The Commune: Community Control
Community.

Building A Black survival program.
The Need for a Black Labor Federat

‘The Drug Epidemic: A New Form of Black Genocide’

African Intercommunalism. age 34
Armed Defense of the Black Commune. Page 37
ANARCHISM AND BLACK REVOLUTION PART 3
Anarchist Theory and Practice.

‘Types of Anarchists. rage 43,
Anarchist Versus Marxist-Leninist Thought on Organization of
Society
General Principles o:

Capitalism, the State and elvate Property.
Anarthisin, Violence sitd Authotity...

‘What I Believe.....
ADDED WORKS

editions
‘Will the Revolution be televis
Be careful what you ask for...

T LEARNED YEARS AGO THAT WHEN
YOU START, YOU CAN NEVER STOP
TM GOING TO STOP WHEN I'M IN
THE CASKET, AND I HOPE THEY
BURY ME WITH A REVOLUTIONARY
ANARCHIST FLAG AND MY FISTS
RAISED UP
- Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin University of
Calgary speech

Oct. 27,1999

DEDICATION

| dedicate this second edition of Anarchism and the Black Revolution
to Comrade Ginger Katz, one of the founders of the original North
American Anarchist Black Cross almost 15 years ago. It was Ginger
Katz who almost single-handedly arranged for the typesetting,
Publishing and printing of the first edition, and then she went out
and sold them by the thousands. Without her, this second edition
would not have beea possible. s

She had to fight to get the books published, and to get a hearing for
myself and other Black Anarchists, who had things to say about the
direction of the movement. The "Anarchist purists,” who wanted to
keep the movement all white and as an Individualist, counter-
cultural phenomenon, fought her tooth and nail. Some of these
criticisms and struggles were thinly veiled racism, and I am sure that
they frustrated and exhausted Comrade Ginger. If so, she never
relayed it to me, but X heard it from other sources. I remember my
dealings with Anarchists in the movement during the 1970s, wha
denied the existence of racism as something we should fight entirely.
But not Comrade Ginger. She was one of the few Anarchists who
undersiood how the American state was organized, aud how it used
white skin privilege to split the working class, and to continue the
dictatorship of Capitalism through such "divide and rule tactics.

J afill have some of the letters that Ginger wrote me 15 years ago
when I was in prison. But I lost contact with her since the carly 1980.
In 1983, I was released fram prison, and became estranged from the
Anarchist and prison movements, so I do not know where she is. But
wherever she is, I hope she will know how much I appreciate what
she did to make this project a reality, and how she laid the seeds for
the growth of the present and future Libertarian Socialist movement
on this continent, and hopefully around the world. I am hopeful that
‘I might one day meet her, maybe whea I am on a national book tour
for this and other books I have written, and just thank her for
helping me, when I could not kelp myself. To this comrade, I will give
my love and respect always. Thank you.

Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

September 1993

UVES WE ECLA C7 CG) Aiea ea

AN ANALYSIS OF WHITE SUPREMACY 6

This pamphist will brieffy dlacuds'the ature of Anarchlam and its relevance to the
Biack Liberation movement. Hecause there have been 99 many lies and distortions of
what Anarchism really stands for, by both iis left- and right-wing ideological
opponents, it will be necessary to discuss the many popular myths abott it. This in
itself deserves 2 book, but is not the intention of this pamphlet, which ls merely to
introduce the Black movement to revolutionary Anaresist Heals, tis up to the reader
to determine whether these new ideas are valid and worthy of adoption.

HOW THE CAPITALISTS USE RACISM

‘The fate of the white working class has always been bound with the condition of
Black workers, Going as far back as the American colonial period when Black lator
vwas first imported into America, Bincc slaves and indentured servants have been
oppressed right along with whites of the lower clases, But when Ecropean
indentured servants joined with Blacks to rebel against their lot in the Ite 1600s, the
Dropertied class decided to “free” them by giving them a special status as "whites
‘and thus a stake in the system of oppression.
Material incentives, as well as the nemfy elevated social status were used to ensure
‘these lower clasees” allegiance. This invention ofthe "white race! and racial stavery
of the Africans went hand-inglove, and is how the, wpper classes maintained order
uring the period of slavery. Even poor whites had aspirations of doing better, since
their secial mobility was ensured by, the new system. This social mobility, however,
‘was on the backs of the African slaves, who were super-explated,
[Bn the die had been cast for the dual-tier form of Isbor, which exploited the Aftican,
bbut also trapped white labor. When they sought to organize unions or for higher
‘wages in the Noxth or South, white laborers weresiapped down by the rich, who uted
‘enslaved Black labor as their primary mode of production. The so-called "fret" labor
of the white worker did not stand achauce.
Although the Capitalists used the system of white skin privilege to great effect to
side the working clay the tut thatthe Capita ny favored wie workers
to use them ageinst their own infcreats, net because there was truc "iblte” class
tity, The Caplio didn't want whit ar elted wih Blacks nats ht ral
and the system of exploitation of labor. The invention of the "white race” was a scam
to facittate this expletation. White workers were bought off to allow ther own wage
slavery and the African's super-exploitation; they strack a deal with thedevil, which
has hampered all efforts at class unity forthe ast four centariés,
‘The continsal subjagation of the misses depends on competition snd internal
disunity. As long #3 discrimination exists, ard racial or ethnle minorities are
‘oppressed, the entire working class is opprested snd weakesied. Thia is se because the
Capitalist class is able to use racism to drive down the wages of individual segments
f the working-class by inciting racial antagonizm and forcing a fight for jobs and
services. This division is a development that ultimately undercuts the living standards
of all workers. Moreover, by pitting whites against Blacks and other oppressed
nationalities, the Capitalist class is able to prevent workers from uniting egainst their
common class enemy. As long as workers are fighting each other, Capitalit clas rale
is secure.

Pager

Af.an elfective resistance is to'be mounted against the current racist offensive of the
Capitalist class, the utmost solidarity between ‘workers of all races is essential The
way to-defea the Capitalit strategy 1s for white Workers to defend the democratic
Tights won by Blacks and other oppressed peoples after decades af hard struggle, and
(fight to dismantle the syitom of white skin privilege. While workers should support
and adent the.coaeratn demands of the Elack movement, and should work to abolish
the white identity citirely. These white workers should strive for multicultural ‘unity,
and should work with Blacks activists to bulld an anti-racut movement to challenge
White supremacy. However, itis also very important to recognize the right of the
Bleck movement to take an fadependent road in its own interests, That is what self.
determination means.

‘Race and Class; the Combined Character of Black Oppression 7
‘Because of the way this astion has developed with the exploitation of Africas Inbor
tnd the maiatenince of an internal colony, Blacks and other non-white peoples ars
oppressed both as members of the working class and as a racial nationality. as
Afticans in America, they are a alstinct people, hounded and-segregated in US.
society, By straggling for their human and civil rights they ultimately come into
confrontation with the entire Capital

under’ this system becauss, based on historically uneven competition, Capitalit
exploitation is inberemiy racist.

At this Juncture the movement can go into the direction of revolutionary social
shange, or linititzelfo winning reforms and democratic rights within the siructure
of Capitaliom, The Botential is thers for ether. Ta fact, the weakness of the 196s
Civ Fights movement was that it ‘allied itself with the liberals In the Democratic
Party and acted for civil rights protective legislation, instead ef pushing for social
‘evatution. This suf-policing by the leaders of the movement is an abject lrson about
‘why the new movemeat has to be self-activated and not dependent on personalities
and politicians,

But if such a movement does become a social revolutionary movemeat, it must
nitinetely waits its forces with similar movements like Gays, Women, radical
Workers, and others who are in revolt against the system, For example, in the late
1960 the Busck Lieration movement acted as a catalyst to spread revolutionary
‘ideas and images, which brought forth the varicus opposition movcimeats we ste
ody. Tais is what we believe wil! happes again, although itis not enough to call fer
mindless unity" os much of the whits left does,

Because of the dual forms of oppression of non-white workers and the depth of social
espsration it creates, Blacks workers will strike frst, whether their potential allies

Tighis and geias of non-white workers. This self- activity of the oppresssd masses,
Geach as the Black Liberation movement) is. inherently revolutionary, and is an
essential part of the social revolutionary pracest of the eatire working dacs. These ure

revolutionary victary i to be had. I¢has to be recoyatzed as a cardinal principle by
all, feat oppressed peoples havea right to el?-determination, including the right 1
rus their own organizations and Uberation struggle. The victims of racism know best
hhow to fight back sgalnat it.

SO WHAT TYPE OF ANTI-RACIST GROUP IS
: NEEDEI v

‘The Biack movesient néods xtlics in its battle agsinst the racist Capitalist chise — aot
the usual liberal or pliony “fadical" support, but genuine revolutionery working class
support and solidarity, otherwise called "mutual ald" by Anarchists. The bésis of
such unity however'must be prinsipled and-be based. on clad intorest rather tam
liberal "guilt tripping,” "do-gooding” or opportenisin and manipulttion by liberal or
radica! political partics., This mecds of the oppressed people must bo the moat
important consideration, but they want gentine support, not fakery or leftist rhetoric.
‘The Anarchist movement, which is overwhéliningly white, mest start to understand
that they need to do propsganda work mong the Black and other oppressed
and they need to make It possible for non-white Anarctists to organiz in
communities by providing. them with technical resources (printing of zines,
video end audio cassette production, ete) and assisting with financial resoures..
‘One reason there are so few Black Anarchists is because the movement provides no
means to reach people of color. win them over to Anarchlnm- and help them organize
themselves. This mast change if we want the socal revolation to teke place in
America, and ifwe vant North American Anarchism to be more than “white rights"
movement.
‘The type of organization needed must be a "mays" organization working to unite all
‘workers in common class struggle, but must be able to recognize the duty to support
and adopt the special demands of the Black and other non-white peoples as those of
‘the entire working class. It must challenge White supremacy on a.daily basts, it must
refute racist philosophy and propaganda, and must counter racist mobilization and
attacks, with armed self-defense and street fighting, when neccasary. The objective of
such 2 mass srovement is to win the white working elass over to an anti-white
supremacy, class-conscious postion; to unite the-entire-working class; and to directly
confront and overthrow the Capitalist state, and its rulers. The cooperation of and

solidarity of all workers is essential for full Social revolution, not just its privileged
white sector.

For instance, an existing organization like Anti-Racist Action, if adopting such
politics as an Anarchist group, should be given a bigher prierity by our movement.
Every city and tows should have ARA-type collectives, and every existing Anarchist
{federation should have internal working groups that do work around racism and
police brutality. In fact, the type of group that 1 am talking about would be a
{federation itself to coordinate strugeles on the national and maybe even international
level.

This would be 2 revolutionary movement, not content to sit around and read hooks,
elect a few Black politicians or “friends of Labor” to Congress or the State
Legislature, write protest letters, creulate petitions, or other such tae etic, It
‘would take the examples of the early tadieal labor riovements like the TWW, aa well
1 the Civil rights movement of the 19605, to show thet only direct action tactics of
confrontation and militant protest will yield ary results stall: It would also have the
‘example of the 1992 Los Angeles rebeltion to show that people will revolt, but there
peed to be powerful alies extending material aid and redetance info, ad am exicing
mass movement to take it to the next step and spread the insurrection.

‘The Anarchists must recogntte thisamd:help build x militant anti-racist group, whlch
‘vould be both a support group for the Black revolution and a mast-orgnizing center
to unite the class. Itis very important to wrest the mass influence of the racial

Page3

equality mevement out of the hands of the lef-liberal Democratic wing of the ruling
class. The left Uberals may-talk a good fight, but as long as they are aot for
overthrowing Capitalism and smashing the state, they will hetray and sabotage the
entire struggle against racism. The strategy of the left-liberals is to deflect class-
‘conscicusnea into strictly race cousciousmess. They refuse ¢o appeal on the basis of
class material interests to the U.S, working and middle classes to support Black
‘rights, and as a result allow the right-wing to capitalize unopposed on the latent racist
feeling among whites, as well as on their economic insecurity. The kind of movement L
‘am proposing wil step in the breach and attack white supremacy, and dismaatle the
Very threads of what holds Capitals together. Without the mess white conseusus to
the rule of the American state, apd the system of white skin privilege, Capitalism
could not ge on into tae next century!

THE MYTH OF ‘REVERSE RACISM" q
"Reverse Discrimination" has become the war ery of all those racists trying to roll
back civil rights gains won by Blacks and other oppressed nationalities in housing,
education, smploysnent, and every aspect of social life. The racists feel these things
should only go to white males, and that "minorities and women are taking them
away from white mea, Miliont of white workers day-in and day-out are bombarded
by this racist propaganda, and itis having a big impact. Many whites believe this ie
of reverse discrimination against white people. This belief is embraced by many
auped white workers, who consider “reverse discrimination” to be at least parily
responsible for the etonomic probiems so many of them are suffering from today.
Suh beliefs propetfed Ronald Reagan to his two terms as US. president. Reagan
(ried to use this racist-propagands line to precipitate a rollback ix the civil rights
gains of oppressed nationalities,
‘The racists claim the concept of reverse discrimination suggests the wholes
discrimination against Blacks and other racially oppressed groups is a hoax. Baldly
stated, the idea is that the passage of the 1964 Civil rights Act ended discrimination
against Blacks, Latinos and other nationalities, and women, and now the law is
diveriminating against white people, The racists say racial minorities and women are ”
the new privileged groups in American society. They are allegedly getting the plek of
Jobs, preferential college placements, the best housing, goverament grants, and #0 on
at the expense of white workers. The racists say programs to end discrimination are
not only unnecessary, but are actually attempts by minorities to gain power at the
expense of white workers. They say Blacks and women do not want equality, but
rather hegemony over white workers.
‘An Anarchist anti-racist movement would counter such propaganda and expese it as
» ruling class weapon, The Civil Rights Act did not cause inflation by “excessive”
spending on welfare, housing, or other social services. Further, Blacks aren't
discriminating ageinst whites: whites are not being herded into ghetto housings
‘removed from or probibited from eutering profeasions; deprived of decent education;
forced into mlautrition and early desth; subjected to racial violence and police
repression, forced to suffer disproportionate levels of unemployment, and other forms
of raciel oppression. But for Blacks the oppression starts with birth and childhood
Infant mortality rats ia nearly three times that of whites, and it conticues an
throughout their lives. The fact is "reverse diacrimiaation'” iy» howd. Amii-Dlack
iserimination is not a thing of the pat It is the systematic, all pervasive reality
today!

‘Malcolm X pointed out in the 1960s that no civil rights statutes will give Black people

Pages

$thelr freedom, and asked If Africans in America were really citizens why would civil rights be necessary. Malcolm X observed civil rights had been-fought for at great sectiice, and therefore should be enforced, but I the governineit won't enforce the laws, then the people will have to do so, and the movement will have to pressure the government authorities to protect democratic rights. To waite the maists of people behind « working class anti-racist moversent, the following practical demands, which ‘aren combination revolutionary sind radical reformtism, to ensure democratic rights, arenecetsary: 1. Mackand white worker” soar, Fight raciom on the job ud in oeely le * 2. Full democratic and human rights for all nom-vhite peoples, Make unfom Nght racism and discrimination. 3 Armed sel-defense agalast racist attacks, Dud mast movement against racism ard fascism. 4. Community control of te police, replacement of cops bv community self. defense forse lected by rsideuls, Bnd polies brutality. Prosection of all kller cops. 5. Money for rebuilding the cities, Creation of public works brigades to rebuild inner city arees, made up of community residents, 6. Bull socially usefil emplowment at union wager for all workien Bnd rach discrimination in jobs, training and promotions. Establish affirmative: action programs tovreverse prt racist empioyment penctces 7, Ban the Ku Klux Klan, Nazis and other fasclt orzaniztions, Prosecution ofall racists for attacks on peopl of color. 8. Hces.onen adinlsslont ta all intitations of Jenrning for ol thors qualified to attend, No ei exclusion igh evento, End taxes of workers and poot, Tax the ric and major corporations. ‘ordi ad tle 4 Ea nd maa l n od ni er oa $s er all poltialorjoners_and_imocet. veins of ras nine, Abetih rion. Fig econone diary 12. Rankevand filed trol of the ah sh Sd abr mores Mak nn acre oc issues, 13. rt mf f ‘Smash the ent Wa ‘"Fascism is not to be debated, Iti to be smashed..." Buenaventura Durritti, Spanish Anarchist revolutionary, 1936, As Capitalist society decays, people will look for radical and (otal solutions to the misery they face, The Nazis and the Klan are smong the few right-wing political forees that offer, or appear te offir, a radical answer to the-current.problems of society for the white masses. That these solutions are false will matter little to confused and hysterical people searching desperately for a may out.of the socioeconomic erisis the Capitalist world is frcing. Sections of the mide lass, better- off layers of the white working class, poor and unemployed white workers, al olsoned by the rncinm of this society, are easy prey for/Nax\\ and Klan denagogucs. ‘The Nazis, skinheads and the Kian are the most extreme right-wing racistifescst ‘organizations In the United States. Today these groups are smal and many lberals like to downplay the threat they represent, even to argue for thelt legal "rights" to spread their racist venom. But these groups have # tremendous growth potential a could become m mats movement ir 2 surprisingly short period of time, eapectaty uring an economic and political erisis like we are now in, PageS$

Basing themselves on allenated white social forces, the Nazis ané Klan are trying {9
build s mass movement that can hire itself out to the Capitalists at the proper moment
and assume state power. Whea the Capltalist feel that they snight need an additional
‘lub to keep the workers and the oppressed in lin, they will turn to the Nazis, Kdan
‘and similar rightwing organizations, with beth money and support, in sddition to
strengthening the state police apd military forces. If need be, the Capitalists will place
them it power, (es they did in Spain, Germany and Staly in the 1920s and 1930s), s0
the fuacists will smash the unions and other working chse ergasizations; place
‘Blacks, Latinos Gays, Asians, and Jews into concentration camps; and turn the cest of
the workers into State slaves. Fasclon is the ultimate authoritarian soclety when in
power, even though it has changed its facs to # mixture of crude racism and smoother
racism in the modern demeeratic stale.

So in addition to the Nazis and tho Klan, thers are other right-Wing forces thet have
been ou the rise in the last 15 years. They include ultra-conservative rightist
politicians and Christian fundamentalist preachers, along witn the extreme right
section of the Capitalist ruling class itself — small business owners, tall show hosts
like Rush Limbaugh, along with the professors, economists, philosophers and others
in academia providing the ideological weapoary for the Capitalist offensive against
the workers and oppressed people. Not all the Tacists wear sheets. These are the
“etapectable” raciats, the new right conservatives, who are far more dangerous thin
the Kin or Nazis because their politics have become acceptable to large masses of
white workers, who in tura blame racial minorities for their problems.

‘The Capitalist class has already shown their willingness to use this conservative
movement a5 a smoke screen for an attaek-on the Labor movement, Black stru
‘and the entire working ass. Many ety public workers have bees fired; schocls,
hospitals and other social services bave been curtailed; government agencies have
been privatized; welfare rolls have been cut drastically; and the budgets of city and
state governments clashed. Banlis have even used their dictatorial powers to demand
these budget cuts, and to even, make entire cities defauit if they did not submit. This
even happened to New York City im the 1970s. So this is not just an issue of poor,
dumb rednecks in hoods. This is about hoods in business suits.

‘A first step in organizing and preparing the working class in the economic crisis we
face le to directly take on the right-wing threat. Repressive economic legislation by
conservative politicians to punish the poor and working class must be defeated; taxes
on the rich and major corporations musi be increased, while taxes on the workers and
farmers mast be abelished. If the politicians will not do it, we will organize a tax
boycott to force them to do it. The Nazis and Klan must be confronted through direct
action. Anarchists, the left and labor organizations must organize to defend workers
‘and eppressed from physical assaults by the racists, as well as hold mass
demonstrations in the streets at fascist ralics, We also must oppose scum lito
Operation Rescue that uses violent Fascist tactics agaiast women's rights to abortions.
Iti part of the same battegraund.

Here is the situation: David Duke, the “ex""Klansman is now part of the
“respectable! right, which picln up support among the upper middle class.
‘Meanwhile the 1Gan and Nez! shisheats are maklig headway amoog different secial
luyers, mainly poor white warkers and unemployed white youth. Tom Metzger, the
leader of white Aryan Resistance, called the Nazi skinheads his “Mrows-shirts of the
904." This ie very dangerous, but we cannot leave these people to the Nazis and Klan
‘uncontested. We should try to win them over, or at least neutralize any active
opposition on their part. Thisis a defeasive tactic at the very least, but really we have

Pages

so choice, and itis part of our revolutionary duty to organize the entire workdng cass
inyway. We should direct propaganda to these workers to expese the Nexis and Kia
for the acum they are, ard show how the workers are being misled. Wo should slso
ike it povatble for them to fightthis misery against the real enemy: the Capltalist
clas. z
But in addition to defensive operations for propagands, we mut take dlrect offensive
action to physically resist the racists when this is possible. For example, where the
balance of forces allows it, we. must organize to forcefully drive the Neus snd Yan
fff the streets. In order to smash thelt movements we must organize commando-type
factions to attack thelr rallies, close their bookshops and newspapers, destroy their
meeting hails, ind break up their marches. Sines the Nexis end Klan organize by
threatening and using violence, we must be prepared to reply to them in kind, butin &
better-organized and more effective way. For instance, pigs like David Duke and Tom
Metzgers who have beon advocating and leading the facist movement in Americs,
‘should be assassinated. We should infiltrate Ken and Nazi demonstrations ir order to
‘assault leaders and disrupt them, or bide xt a distance and snipe at them with high-
powered rifles, I have always felt that underground guerrilla movements Uke the
Black Liberation Army, Weather Underground, asd New World Literation Front
Sioutd have attacked fascist movements and amassinated their lesders. If we cripple

‘This fs the only way to stop fascists. DEATH TO THE KLAN AND ALL FASCISTS!
None other than Adoiph Hitler has been quoted ss saying: “Only one thing could
have stopped our movement. If our adversaties had stiderstood its principle, and
trom the first day had rmeshed with the utmost bratality the aucleas of our men
movement. " We should tak heed.

‘One other thing that we must Jo, and ts something which tactically separates ut
“Anarchists from the Mrxist-Leainiss, is that we tise our stadies of the authoritarian
personality te help us organize against fascist recruitment AN the M-L "United
Fronts" care about is strict polifical approach to defeat fascism and prevent them
from attaining state power, while being able to usher the Communist party in instend,
‘They organize liberals and others into, mass coalitions just fo seize power, and then
crush all radical and liberal ideolegical opponeats alter they get done with the
fasclsts, That is why the Stalinist Communist” states resemble fiscot police states v0
much In refusing to-allow.ideologieal plurality ~ they aro both totalitarian. For that
matter, how much difference was there really between Stalin and Bider? So, 1 say
‘that merely physically beating back the fascats is ot the iste. We need to study
‘what accounts for the mass psychology of fascism and then defeat it ideologically,
Zoing to the core of the deep sested racist bellefS, emotions, and authoritarian
Eonditioning of those workers who support fascism and sll police state authority.

The third prong of our strategy Is to organize among tho workers and other
‘oppressed sections of soclety wlth a program that addresses thei needs. As has been
‘sald, the Klan and Nazis recruit among certain social layers — overwhelmingly white
Youth who are hard-pressed by the economic crisis. These people see Blacks, Latinas,
JReians, Cage, women, and radieal movements 29 a threat. They are racist, renctlonsry
Sand potentlaty vary violent. Fearful that they will fose the litte they have they bay
‘ire myths that the problems i "those people" trying to steal thei jobs, homes, future,
ete, rather than the decay of the Capitalst system.

‘As tong as there appears to be 0 alternative to fighting over» sinking social “pe,”
the fescsts, with their'simple minded "solatiéns," will get « hesring among the
degenerate elements ofthe working class. The only way to undereut the appes! of the

Page

-rigt io organize a Libertarian werkers movement that can fight for ard win the
things that people need ~ jobs, decout Rousing and schools, health car, ete. This can
demonstrate concretely that thore is an alternative to the right wing's poisonour
“solutions,” and it can win to the ranks of the workers' movement some of those
‘People attracted te the fascut movement.

‘In all areas of our organizing, we must carry out consistent revolutionary propaganda
‘explaining Capitalism is reyponsible for unemployment, rising prices, rotten schools
And housing andthe reat ofthe decay we see around us. We must expove the fact that,
while the Nexis, Klan und other right-wingers make Black, Gays, Latinos and other
oppressed people the scapegoat fr the eeatonie eis, their real aim ts to destroy the
entire workers movement, commit genocide, start an adventuristic war and tura
‘workers into outright slaves of the State, Therefore, these fuscist forces are a threat to
all workers of every nationality. Tt mast ba explained that they only want to use white
‘workers as pawns in thelr scheme to creat 2 fascist dictatorship, and all workers
rust unite aad fight back and overthrow the state if Uaey are tobe fre, DEATH TO
THE KLAN, DEATH TO THE NAZIS!

DEFEAT WHITE supREmacys |3

‘The very means of class control by the rich is the least understood. White supremacy
i more than just a st of ideas or prejudices. If is national opprastoa. Yet to most
‘white prople, the term conjures up images of the Nazis or Ku Klux Klan rather thas
due system of white skin privileges that really undergirds the Capitalist system in the
US. Mest white people, Anarchists included, believe in esseace that Black people are
"tho same" a0 whites, and that we should just fight around “common issues" rather
than desl with “racial matiers," if they see any urgency in dealing with the matter at
all. Some will uot raise it in such 2 blunt fashion, they will sry that "class issues
should tak precedence," but it meaus the samme thing. They believe it's possible to put
offthe struggle against white supremacy until after the revolution, when in fact there
will be no revolation if white supremacy is not attacked and defeated first. They
won't win a revolutios in the U.S. until they fight to improve the lat of Blacks and
oppressed people who are being deprived of their democratic rights, as well as being
super-exploiied as workers,

Almost from the very inception of the North American socialist movement, the
simple-minded economist position that all Black and white workers have to do to
‘wage a revolution is to engage in 2 "common (economic) struggle” has heen used to
avoid struggle against white supremacy. In fact, the white left has always taken the
chauviniat position that since the white working class is the revolutionary vanguard.
anyway, why worry about an issue that will “divide the class"? Bistorically
‘Anarchists have not even brought up the matter of “race politics," 25 one Anarchist
referred to it the first time this pamphlet was published. This is «total evasion of the
ise,

‘Yet it is the Capitalist bourgevisi tuat creates inequality as a way to divide and rule
over the entire working class. White skin privileges a form of domination by Capital
over white labor as well as oppressed nationality labor, net just providing material
incentives to "buy off" white warkers and set them against Black and other
‘oppressed workers, This explains the obedience af white labor to Capitalism and the
State. The white working class does mot seo their betier off condition af part of the -
system of exploitation. After centuries of political and social indoctrination, they feel
their privileged position is just and proper, and what is more has been “earned.”
‘They feel threatened by social gains of non-white workers, which is why they sa

Pages

‘vehemently opposed affirmative ation plans to benefit minorities in jobs and hiring,
and to redress years of discrimination against them. Iti tlso why white workers have
opposed most vil rights fegistution. 14
Yet it is the day-to-day workings of white supremacy thst we must fight most
‘vigorcusly, We cannot remsin ignorant or indifferent to the workings of race. and
clnax under this system, 20 that oppressed workers remain victimized. Ror years,
Blacks have been "first hired, first fred" by Capitallt industry. Further, sealcrity”
systems have engaged in open racial discrimination, and are litte more than white Job
trusts. Blacks have even beer driven oat of whole inéustrie, such as eoal mining. Yet
the white Inbor bosses have never objected or intervened on behalf of their class
brothers, nor will they if not pressed up against the wall by white workers.
AAs pointed out there are material incentives to this white worker opportunism: better
Jobs, higher pay, ireproved living conditions in white communitles, ein short what
hhas come to be known as the" white middle class Ifestyle” This is what labor and the
Teft hnve always fought to maintain, not ciass solidarity, whick would mecssstate a
struggle against white mupremacy. This lifestyle is based on the super-explotation of
the non-white sector of the domestic working class as well as countries exploited by
Inperiatisoy around the world.
Jn America, class antagonism bas always included racial hatred as an essential
component, but it is structural rather thas just ideological. Since all of the
institations, the culture, and the socioecanamié system of TS. Capitalism are based
om white supremacy, how then is it possible to truly fight the rule of Capital without
being forced to defent white supremacy? The dual-er economy of whites on top and
Blacks on the bettom (even vith all the class differences among wiltes has
‘successfully resisted every attempt by radical social movements. These reluctant
reformers Ihave danced arcund the issue, While winning reforms, ln many eases
primarily for white workers only, these white radieals have yet to topple the system
and open the road to social revoletion,
The fight against white skin privilege slso requires the rejection of the vielous
identification of North Americans as “white” people; rather then as Welsh, German,
Iish, ete. as their national origi. This “white race” designation ise cantrived super~
nationality designed to inflate the social importance of European ethnics and to enlist
them as tools in the Capitalist system of exploitation. In North Americs; white skin
has slways implied freedom and privilege: freedom to gain employment, to travel, to
obtain social mobiiity out of one’s born class standing, and a whole world of
Eurocentric privileges. Therefore, before x social revolution can take place, there
must be an abolition of the sociel eategory of the "white race.” (with few exceptions
in this exeny, Iwill begin referring to them ne "North Ameriems.")
These “white” people mast engage in class suicide and race treachery before they can
truly be accepted 15 alles of Binck and nationally oppressed workers; the whole tex
behind a “white r2ce" is conformity and making them aceamplices te mais, murder
and exploitation. If white people do not want fo be saddled with the historia legacy
of colonialism, slavery and genocide themselves, then they siust rebe! ngsinst it. So
the “whites” must denounce the white identity and its system of privilege, and
us atruggle to tedefine themselves and their relationship with others, As t
white society, (through the State which says it

Ba
cting in the name of white-people),
continues to éppress and deminate all the institutions of the Black community, racial
tension will continue fo exist, snd whites generally will continue to be seen ss the
enemy.

‘So what do North Americans start to do te defent racial opportunism, whiteakin

Pages

prisileges and other forms cf white supremacy? First they mast break down the walls
separating thom fom their non-white ais. Then together they msl wage 8 fight
against inequality in the workplace, communities, and fa the social order. Yet it no!
at the democratic rights of Aflcan people we are referring to when we are talking
boat "rational oppression." If that were the whol issue, then maybe more reforms
could obiain racial and social equality. But no, thats nat what we ae talking about.
Blacks (or Africans in America) are colosized. America isa mother country with an
internal colony. For Africans in America, our situation i one of total oppression. No
‘rly free unl they can detetmiue their own destiny. Ours Is a apive,
oppressed colonial status that must be overthrown, not just smashing ideol
‘acm or denial of evil rights. In fact, without smashing the internal coloay first
means the likelihood of a continuance af this oppression in another form, We must
destroy the social dyatmic ofa very real existence of America being made up of a8
opprestar white nation and an oppressed Black aatloa, (In fact there are severdl
captive rations). iS
‘Vhls requires the Black Liberation movement to liberate a colony, and this is why itis
not just a simple matter of Rlaca just joining with white Anarchist t fight the same
type of batt against the State. That is also why Anarchists cannot take a rigid
position ageint all forms of Black natiosaliam (especially revolutionary groups like
the Black Panther Party), even if there are ideclogical differences about the way some
of them are formed and operate, ButNorth Americans must support the objectives of
racially oppressed liberation movements, and they must diretly a tnd reject,
‘white akin privilege. There is no other way and there is a shortcut; white supremacy
fs a huge stumbling block to roveluionary aoclalcheage in Nerth America:
‘The Black Revolution and ether national iberatian movements ia North America are
Indispensable paris of the overall Secial revolution. North American workers must
join with Africas, Latinos and others fo reject racial injustice, Capitalist
exploitation, and satienal oppression. North Americas workers certainly have an
Important role i belping those siruguls fo iumph. Maerlal ald alone, which can be
astembled by white workers for the Black revolution, could dictate the victory or
defeat of that struggle ats particular stage,
am tang time to explain allthis, necause predictably some Anarchist purisie will
try to argue me dewn that baving a white movement is good thing, that Blacks and
other oppressed natonsltis just need to climb aboard the "Anarchist Good Sbip” (a
ship of fools?) and all ofthis is just “Marais national liberation nonsense.” Well, ws
‘now part ofthe reason for an Anarchist anti-racist movement is to challenge this
canvinist perspective right in the middle of our own movement. An Anarchiet Ant
‘Racist Federation would not exist just to fight Nazis. We need to challenge and
correct racist and doctrinaire positions ou race aud class within our movement If we
canot do that, then we cannot organize the working class, Black or white, nd are of
nose to anyone,

Avarchisin and Black Revolution — Part 2

WHERE IS THE BLACK STRUGGLE AND WHERE
SHOULD IT BE GOINGP

Some — usually comfortable Black middle cliss professionals, politicians or

businessmen who rode the 1960s Civil rights movement inta power or prominence —

willsay thereis no longer any necessity to struggle in the streets during the 1990s for

Page 10

Black freedom. They say we have “arrived” and are now "almost free." They say our
only struggle now is to “integrate the money," or win wealth for themselves and
members of their social ends, even though they give lip service to "empowering the
poor.” Look, they say, we enn vote, our Black faces are all over TV in commercials
and situation comedies, there a¥e hundreds of Black millonaires, and we have
political representatives in the halls of Congress and Stale houses sll over the and. Jn
fact, they say, there sre currently over 7,000 Black olected officials, several of whom
preside pver the Inrgest cities in tie nation, and there i even x governor of a Southern,
state, who is an African-American, That's what they say. But does this tll the whole
story?
‘The fact 's we are in m1 bad or even worte 2 shape, economically and politically, as
‘when the Civil rights movement began in the 1950s. One in every four Black males
are In prison, on probition, parole, or under arrest; at feast one-third oF more of
iack Fanity units are now single parent familles mired in poverty; unemployment
hovers at 18-25 percent for Black communities; the drug economy is the number one
employer of Bleck youth; mast substandard housing units are alll concentrated in
lack neighborhoods; Blacks nnd otfier non-whites suffer from the worat health care;
ack communitiesare still underdeveloped beciuse of racial discrimination by
ipa! governments, mortgage companies and banks, who “redline” Black
‘borkoods from receiving community development, housing and small business
loans which leefi our communities poor. We alto suffer from marderous acts of police
brutality by racist cops which has resulted in thousands of dexths and wounding; and
internecine gang warfare resulting tn numerous youth homicides (and a great deal of
arief), But what we suffer from most and what encompasses all ofthese ills is that fact
tht we are ax oppressed people— in facta colonized people subject te the rule of-an
oppressive government. We really ave na rights under this system, except that which
sve lave fought for and even that is now in peril. Clearly we need m new mass Black
protest movement to challenge the government and corporations, and eaproprinte the
funds needed for our communities to survive.
Yet for the past 25 years the revolutionary Black movement has beta on the
defensive. Due to cooptation, repression and betraysis of the Bleck Liberation
‘movement of the 1960, today's movement has suffered a series of setbacks and hat
now become static in comperison. Thia may be because it just now getting its stufT
together after being piommeled by the State's police agencies, and also because of the
Internal polttical contradictions which arase in the major Black revolutionary groups
like the Binck Panther Party, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNC or
"anick’ a4 it was called in’ those days), and the Lesgue of Revolutionary Black
Workers. I believe all were factors that fed to the destraction of the 1960s" Black left
in this country. Of course, many blame this period of relative inactivity in the Black
movement on the Inck of forcefu feeders in the mold of Msleoim X, Martin Lather
King, Marcus Garvey, ete, while other people blame the "fact" the Black masses
have: allegedty become “corrupt arid avatheti.” dr just ert the “correct
revolittisnary line,
‘Whatever the true frets of the matter, it ean clearly be seen that the goverament, the
Capitalist corporations, and the raclst ruling class are expiciting the current
‘wenkness and confusion of the Black itovement to make an attack on the Black
working class, and are attempting to totally strip the gains won during the Civil
rights era. In addition there is a reaurgence of racism and conservatiam among broad
Inyers of the white population, which is 4 direct result ofthis right-wing campaign,
Clearly this isa time when ye must entertain new teas and new tactics tn the

and

Page it

frvedou struggle.
‘Tae ideals of Anarchism are something new to the Black movement and have never
really been examined by Black and other non-white activist. Put simply, it means the
Deople themselves should rule, not governments, political patties, or ecf-eppointed
leaders in their name. Anarchism also stands for the self-determination of all
reoples, and their right to struggle for freedom by any mesns necessary.

So what road is in order for the Black movement? Continue to depend on
‘opportunistic Democratic hack politicians lile Bil! Clinton or Ted Kennedy; the sane
old group of middle clas sellout “leaders” of the Civil righis lobby; ane,or ansther of
the authoritarian Leainist sects, who insist that they and they alone have the corrict
path to "revolutionary enlightenment" or finally building » grasaroots revolutionary
protest movement to fight the racist goverament and rulers? 1

‘Only the Back masses can finally decide the matter, whether they will be coxteht to
bear the brunt of the current econamie depression and the escalating racist brutality,
or will lead 8 fight back. Anarchists trust the best instincts of the people, and human
ture dictates that where there js repression there will be resistauce; where there is
slavery, there will struggle againet i. The Black masses have shown they will fight,
aud when they organize they will wint

A CALL FOR A NEW BLACK PROTEST
MOVEMENT

‘Those Anarchists who are Black like myself recognize there has to be 4 whole nsw
social movement, which it democratic, om the grassrocts Jevel and is self-activated. It
will be a movement independent of the major political parties, the State and the
‘evernment. It must be 8 movement that, although It seeks o expropriate government
‘maney for projects that benefit the people, does net recognize any progressive role for
he government in the lives ofthe people. The government will not free us, and is part
of tho problem rather than part of the selution. Jn fact only the Black masies
themselves can wage the Black freedom struggle, not 2 government bureaucracy (ike
the U.S. Justice Department), reformist civil rights leaders like Jesse Jacksen, of a
revolutionary vanguard party on their bahall

OF course, at a certain historical moment, a pratest leader can play a tremendous
revolutionary role usa spokesperson for the people's feelings, or even produce correct
strategy and theory for a cerisin period, (Malcolm X, Marcus Garvey, and Martin,
Lather King, Jr, come to mind), and a "vanguard party" may win mass support and
acceptunce among the people for a time (eg, the Black Panther Party of the 19602),
but itis the Black masses themselvey who will make the revelution, and, once set
spontaneously in motou, knowexactly what they want.

‘Though leaders may be motivated ky good or bad, even they will at as a brake on the
struggle, expecially if they lose touch with the freedom aspirations of the Blick
imanses. Leaders can only really serve a legitimate purpose as an advisor and catalyst
tothe movement, and should be subject to immediate recall if they act contrary to the
people's wishes. In taat kind of limited role they are not leaders at all — they are
community organizers,

The dependence of the Black movement on leaders and leadership (especialy ‘the
Black bourgeoisie) has led us into's political dead'and. We are expected to wait and
suffor quiely ust the next messianic leader asserts himself, as if he or she were
"divively mlssioned (as some have claimed to be). What is eves more harmful-is that
many Black people have adopted 2 slavish psychology of "obeying and serving our
leaders,” without considering what they themselves are capable of dcing. Thus,

Page 12

rather than trying to analyze the current situation and carrying en Brother Malcolm

8 work in the community, they prefer to bemoan the bratal ‘acts, for year after
year, af how he was taken away {rom us. Some mistakenly refer to thisas leadership
‘yacuurm.” The fact la there has not been much movement in the Black revolutionary
Imovement since hls assasination and the virtual deatroetion of groupe like the Black

We need to come up with new ideas and revolutionary formations In how to fight our
enemies. We need 2 new mags protest movément. It is up-to tbe Biaek mastes to bulld
it, not leaders or political parties They eaanot save us. We can‘ only save ourselves

WHAT FORM WILL THIS MOVEMENT TAKE?

Uf there was one thing learned by anarchist revolutionary organizers in the 1960s, you
don't organize a mass movement or social revolition Just by creating one central
orgenization such as a vangurrd political party or a labor unlon. Even though
‘Anarchists believe in revolutionary organization, It is a means fo an end, instead of
‘the ends itself. In other words, the Anarchist groups are not formed withthe Intention
of being permanent organizations to seize power after a revolutionary struggle. Brt
rather te be groups which act as a catalyst to revolutionary struggles, and which try
to take the people's rebellions like the 1992 Los Angeles revolt, to « higher level of
resistance,

‘Two feature: of s new mus movement must be the intention of creating ual power
institutions to challeage the state, along with the abiliy to hare a grassroots
autenomist movement that ean take advantage of x pre—revolutionary situation to go
all the way.

Dual power means that you organize a number of collectives and communes in cities
and tow all over North America, which arg, in fact, liberated zones, outside of the
control of the government. Autonomy means that the movement mutt be truly
independent and a free association of all tose united around common goals, rather
‘than membership as the result ¢f some oath or other pressure.

So how would Anarchists intervene in the revolutionary process in Black
neighborhoods? Well, obviously Nerth American or 'white” Anarchist: eanaot go
into Black communities and just preselytize, but they certainly should work with aay
‘non-white Anarehists and hetp them work in communities of exlor. (X de thick that
the example of the New Jersey Anarchist Federation and its loose alliance with the
‘Black Fanther moversent in that state is an example of how we must start) And we
are definitely not talking about « situation where Black organizers go Into the
neighberhocd snd win people to Anarchism so that they ean then be controlled by
‘whites and some party. This ts hort the Communist Party und other Marxist grows
operate, but it eannot be how Anarchists work. We spread Anarchists beliefs not fo
Méake over" people, but te let them know how they can better organize themselves to
fight tyranny and obtain fresdom, "We want to work with them as follow human
beings and allies, whe have their own experienceé, agendas, and needs. The idea isto
get a many movements of people Mghuing the stats as prssibe, siace dhat ly what
‘brings the day of freedom for vs alla little cleser.

‘There needs to he some sort of revelutionary orgentzstion for Anarchists to work on
the focal level, so we will call these local groups Black Resistance Committees, Each
one of these Committes will be Black working class socal revolutionary collectives in
the community to fight for Black rights and freedom as part of the Social revolution
‘The Committees would have no leader or "party boss,” and would be without any

Page {2

{ype of hierarchy structure, it would also be antiauthority. They exist 10 do
‘evolutionary work, and thus are not debating societies or a elub t0 :
politicians te offic. They are revolutionary political formations, which wil be linked
With otter such groups all aver North Ameriea and other parts of the world Ina
larger movement called a federation. A federation is needed or coordinate the actions
‘of rach groups, fo lot others know’ what is happeaing
‘widespread strategy and tactics. (We will cal this one, for wont of a better name, the
‘African Revotudonary Federation," or it can be part of a multicultaral federati
A federation of the sort Iam falling about ism mare mamabership
‘will be demecrafic and made up of all kinds of smaller groups and individuals: But
this is not a government or represeutative system I am talking about; there would be
zo permanent pastions of power, and even the facilitators of internal programs
yrould be subject to immediate recall or have » regular retation of duties; When a
federation is no longer needed, it can be disbanded Try that wit pary
or one of the major Capitalist parties in North Amurical 1

9
REVOLUTIONARY STRATEGY AND TACTICS

Af we are to build» new Black revolutionary protest movement we must isk ourselves
hhow we can hurt this Capitalist system, and how have we hurt it in the pact when we
have led social movements against some aspect of our oppresiion. Boyeotis, mass
demonstrations, rent strikes, picketing, work strikes, sit-ins, und other such protesis
hhave been wed by the Black movement at different times in its hisiory, along with

med self-defense and- open rebellion Put simply, what we need to do is take our
straggle to an new and higher. levels wo netd to take thete tried and true tactic,
(hich bave been used primarily onthe lcal level upto this point), an utilize them on
® natlonal level and then couple them with as yet uatried taclies, fora strategic aac.

(on the major Capitalist corporations and goveramental apparatus. We shall diseuss a
ow of them:

A BLACK TAX BOYCOTT

‘Black people sheuld refuse to pay any taxes to the racist government, including
federal income, estate and sates taxes, while being subjected to exploitation and
brutality. The rich and their ccrporations pay virtually mo taxes; itis the poor and
‘workers wha bear the brunt of taxation. Yet they receive nothing in return There are
sill huge unemployment levels Jn the Black community, the unemploymest and
Welfare benefits are paltry; the schools am dilapidated; public housing isa disgrace,
While rents by absentee landlord properties are exorbitantall these conditions and
More aro suppasedly corrected by goyerament taxation of income, goods, and
services, Wrong! It goes to the Fentagon, defense contractors, and greedy consultant,
whe like valtures prey on business with the government,
The Black Liberation movement should establish 4 macs tax resistance mavesent to
lead a Binck tax boycott as a means of protest and slso as a method to create a fand to
finance black community projects and organizations. Why should we continue to
Yoluatarily support our own slavery? A Black tax boycott is just another means ef
struggle that the Black morement should examine and adopt, which is similar to the
pe ra tax resistance.” Blacks shauld be exempted from all taration
Personal property, Income tates, stocks and bonds (de letter af which woul! bow
‘new type of community development issuance). Tar the Rich!

A NATIONAL RENT STRIKE AND URBAN
SQUAT TING

Page 14

Hand-inglove with a tax boycott should be refusal to pay rent for dilapidated
housing. These rent brycot's have been used to great effect (o fight back against rent
gouging by landlords. At ene time they were 20 effective in Hinrlem (NY) that they
caused the creation of rent control legislation, preventing érctions,umjastified price
‘mereases, and requiring reasonable upkeep by the owners and the property
‘management company, A mass movement could bring « rent strike te areas (euch =
in the. Southeast and Southwesl where poor people are being ripped ef by the greedy
landlords, but are not familiar with auch tactics. Unfair lews now o3 the books, 3¢-
called Landlord -Tensat (where the only “right” the terants have is to pay the rent oF
be evicted) should also be liberalized or overturned entirely. These laws only help
slumlords stay in business, and keep exploiting the poor atd working clnes They
account for mass evictions, which in turn account for komelesaness. We should fight
to rollback rents, prevent mast evietions, and house the poor and the Komeless In
decent affordable places. 2°
Beskles the retwal to pay the slimlords and exploitative banks and property
‘management companies, there should be «campaign of “urban squatting” to Just
take over the housing, ard have the tenants run it democratically 25 a beusing
collective. Then that money which would have gone trward rent could now go into
repairing the dwelling of tenants. The homeless, poor-persons needing affordable
hooting, and others who badly need housing should just take ever any abandoned
housing owned by an absentee landlord or even 1 bearded-up city touting project.
Squatting is an especiaily good tactic in these times of serious housing shortages and
sarson-for-insurance by the slumlords. We should throw the bums out and Just take
over! Of course we will probably have to fight the cope and crcoked landlords who
‘ill try to uae strong armed tacts, but we can do that toe! We can win significant
victories If we-organize a untionwide series of rent strikes, and build an independest
tenants movement that will self- manage all the faclitie, not on behalf of the
government (with the tricky "Kemp plan"), hut on behalf ofthemmelvest

A BOYCOTT OF AMERICAN BUSINESS

Le was proven that ont of the strangest weapons of the Clvil rights ovement was a
Black consumer boycott of a community's merchants and public services. Merchants
and other businessmen, of course, are the "leading citizens" of any community, and
the focal ruling class and boss of the government. In the 1960s when Black refused fo
trade with merchants ns long as they allowed racial discrimination, their Tose of
revenue drove them tomake concessions, and mediate the struggle, even held the cops
and tlie Klan at bay. What is tru at the focal fevel fs certalnly true at the ational

* level. The major corporations and elite families rux the country; the goverarnent is iis
mere tool. Blacks spend over $350 billion m year in this, Capitalist ezonomy «3
consumes, and could just ns easily wage econamile warfare against the corporate
structure with a well plarned boycott to win politcal concessions. For Instance, a
corporation ike General Motors Is heavily dependent upoa Blsék,consumes, which
mesns that it is very vulnerable to = boycott, if one were orgasized and supported
widely. If Blacks would refuse to buy GM cars, it would reselt in significant losses fer
the corroration, to the ture of hundreds of millions of dofars. Something Tike this
could even bring a company to its knees. Yet the revolutionary wing of the Black
movement hae yet to'use beyeots;eallingit "seformism' and outdated
‘But far from being an outdated tactic that we should abandon, boycotts have become
even more effective In the Jest few years. In 1968, the Black and progressive
‘movement in the United States bit.on another tactic, boycotting the tourist industries

Page 15

At will take some serious community and workplace organizing to bring a general
strike off. In workpiaces all over the country, Black workers should organize General
Strike Committees at the workplaces, and Back Strike Support Committees to carry
on the strike work inside the Black community itelf. Reeaute such w strike would be
especially hard-fought and vicious, Black workers should organize Worker's Defense
Committees to defend workers fired or black listed by the bosses for thelr industrial
organizing work. This defense committee would publicize a:
and rally support from other workers and the commonity, The defense committer
would also establish, a Labor strike and defense fund and abo start feod cooperative
to financially and materiat support such victimized workers and their families while
carrying on the strike. 22
Although there will definitely be an attempt to involve women and white qworkers;
where they are willing to cooperate, the strike would be under Black leadership
because only Binck workers can effectively raise those issues which most elfect them.
‘White workers have te support the democratic rights of Blacks and other nationally
oppressed laborers, instead of just white rights camptigns” on so-called "common
economic Issues," led by the North American left. In addition to progremive North
American individuals or union caucuses, the Inbor anion locals themselves should be
‘recruited, but they are not the force to lead this strugele, although their help ean be
Indispensable in 2 particular eampaign. Ii takes major organizing to make them break.
free of their racist and conservative mature. So slthough we want and need the
support of oer fellow workers of other nationalities and genders, it f ridiculous and
condescending to just tell Black workers to sit around and watt for a "white workers
vanguard” to decide it wants to fight. We will educate otr fellow workers to the
{issues and why they should fight white supremacy at our side, but we will not defer
‘our stroggle for anyene! WE MUST ORGANIZE THE GENERAL STRIKE FOR
BLACK FREEDOM!

THE COMMUNE: COMMUNITY CONTROL OF THE
BLACK COMMUNITY.

“How do we rsiso a new revolutionary consciousness against a system programmed
against our old methods? We must use 2 new approsth and revolutionize the Black
Central City Commune, and slowly provide the people with the incestive to fight by
allowing them to create programs, which will meet all their social, political, and
economic, needs. We must fil the vacttas left by the established order... In retura,
we must teach them the benefits of our revolutionary ideals. We must boild
subsistence eeogemy, and a sociopolitical infrastructure so that we can become an
‘szample for all revolutionary people"... Ceorge Jackson, in his book BE,

‘The idea behind 1 mass commune is to create a dual power structure a3 a counter fo
the government, under conditions, which exist now. In fatt, Anarchists believe the
first step toward self-determinstion and the Soci revolution is Black control of the
Black community. This means that Black people most form and snify their own
orgnntzations of struggle, ake control of the existing Black communities and all the
institutions within them, and conduct 1 consistent fight to overcome every form ef
economicy political and cultural servitude, aad any system of racial and ciass
‘inequality which is the product of this racist Capitalist society.

‘The realization of this aim means that we can build inner-city Communes, which will
be centers of Black counter-power and social revehutionary caltare agninst the white
Political power structures in the principal eitis of the United States. Once they
assume hegemony, such communes would be an nclualsltornative to the State and

Page 17

serve at a force to revolutionize African people-and by extension-large segments of
Anserican seciety, which could not possibly remain immune to thie process, It would
serve as a living revolutionary example to North American progressives and other
‘oppresved nationalities, Pt
‘There is tremendous fighting power in the Black community, bu it isnot organized in
a structured revolutionary way to effectively strugele and take what is due. The white
Cepitalist ruling class recognizes this, which is why it pushes the fraud of "Black.
Cepitalism and Black politicians and other such “responsible leaders. These fakes
aund sellout artis lend us to the dead-end road of voting and praying for thut which
‘we must really be wilting to fight for. The Anarchists recognize the Commune as the
primary organ of the new society, and as an alternative (o the old society. But the
Anarchists also recognize that Capitalism will nat give up without » fight; it will be
‘necesserily to economically and politically cripple Capitalist America. One thing for
sure We should not continue to passively allow this system ta exploit and uppress us,
‘The commune is a staging ground for Black revolutionary struggle. For instance,
‘Back people should refuse to pay taxes to the racist government, should boycott the
Capitalist corporations, should lead a Black General Strike all over the country, and
should engage in an insurrection to drive the police out and win a liberated zone. This
‘would be a powerful method v obtain submassion to the demands of the movement,
ard weaken the power of the state, We can even force the government to make money,
available for community development a5 a concession; instead of as a payoff to buy-
‘out the struggle as happened in the 1960s and thereafler. If we put 2 gun to a
ker's head and said "Yore know you've got the money, now give it up," he would
lave o surrender. Now the question is; if we did the same thing to the government,
using direct action means with an insurrecticnary mass movement, would these would
both be acts of expropriation? Or is it jst to pacify the community why they gave us,
the money? One thing for sure, we definitely need the money, and however we compel
from the government, is of less important than the fact that we forced them to give
it up to the people's forces at all. We would they use that money to rebuild our
communities, maintin our organizations, and care for the needs of our people. It
‘ould be a major concession, a vietory.
[But we have also got to realize that Afticans in America are not simply oppressed by
force of arms, but that part of the moral authority of the state comes from the mind of
tke oppressed that consent to the right o be governed. As long as Black people believe
that some moral or political authority of the white government has legitimacy in their
ves, that they owe'a duty to this nation as citizens, or even that they are responsible
for their own oppression, then they cannot effectively fight back. They must free their
‘minds of the ideas of American patriotism and begin to see themselves as a new
people. This cas only be accomplished under Jual power, where the patriotinm of the
[rope for the state is replaced with love and support for the new Black commune. We
do thet by making the Commune real thing in the day-to-day lives of ardinary
people.
‘We should establish community councils to make policy decisions and administer the
affuirs of the Black community. These councils would be democratic neighborhood
assemblies composed of representative elected by Black workers in various
‘community inatitutions-faetories, hospitals schools-as well as delegates elected on
block basis. We must reject Block Mayors and other politicians, or government
bureaucrats, as a substitute for community power. We must therefore have
community control of all tie institutions of the Black community, instead of Just
letting the State decide what is gocd for us. Not just jobs and housing, but also full

Page 18

contro} over schools, hospitals, welfare cents, libraries, ete, must turned over to that
community, beenuse only the residents of a community have a true understanding of
its needs and desires. 2
Hiere is an example of how it would work: we would eleet a community council to
supervise all schcols in the Black community. We would encourage parents, students,
tenchers, and the community at-large to work cooperatively in every phate of achoot
administration, rather than have an authority figure lke a principal and his/her
‘uncaring bureaucratic administration run things as are done at present. The whole
Black community will have to engage in-a militant struggle to take over the publle
“schools and turn them inte centers of Black culture and learning, We cannot eontinee
{to depend on the racist or Black puppet school bosrds fo do this for us,

‘The local council would then be fadgrated, or Jolned together, om a local level to
create 4 citywide group of coimeils whe would run affairs in that community. The
counetts nnd other neighborhoods collectives organized fora variety of reasons would
mske a mass commune, This cortmune would be In turn federated at the regional and
national level the aim being to create a national federation of Black commanes, which
would meet periodically in ene or « number’ of mass assembly mectings. This
federation would be composed of elected or appointed delegates representing their
focal commune or counell Such a national federal of commanss would allow
‘community councils from all aver North Amerie to work out common policies and
spank with one voice on all matters affecting their communities or regions. It would
thes have fr more power than any single community council could However, to
prevent this national federation from bureaveratic usurpation of power by political
factions or opportunistic tenders, elections should be Nelé regularly and delegates
‘would be subject to recall at any time for misconduct, so that they remain under the
contro! of the local communities they represent

‘The Black community councils are really type of graseroots movement made up of
all the social formations of cur people, the bleck and neighborhood committees,
Labor, student and youth groups, (even the church, fo a Tlmited degres), social activist
groups, and others to unite the various protest actions around a common program of
struggle for this period. The campaigns for this perlod must utilize tl
direct mass action, as itis very important that the people themselves must realize a
sense of their organized power. These grassroots aocistions will previde to the
usually mass spontaneous actions, « form of organization whose social base i of the
Black working class, instend ofthe usual Black middle cass mis-enderahip.

The Anarchists recogntée these community council as being a form of direct
democracy, instend of the type of phony American “democracy,” which Is really
nothing but contro! by politicians and businessmen. The councils art especialy
important because, they provide embryonic self rate and the begin
alternative fo the Capitalist economic system and its government JI is a way to
undermine the government and make ian irrelevant dinesnur, Decause fts services
fre no longer needed

The Commune is also x Hinck revolutionary counterculture. It is the embryo of the
new Binck cevolutlonary soclety in the body of the old alck, dying ane. Tt is the mew
Nfestyls in microcosm, which contains the new Black social values and the mew
communal organizations, nnd institutions, which will become the sociopolitiel
infrastructure ofthe free society.

‘Our objective 1s to teach new Biack socinl values of unity and struggle against the
negative effects of white Capitalist society aud culture. To do that we most build the
‘Commune into a Black Censciotisness movement fo build race pride and respect, race

Page19

‘awareness and to struggle against the Capitalist slave masters. This Black
communalism would be both « repository of Black culture and ideology. We need to
change both our lives and our lifestyles in order to deal with the meny laterpersonsl
antradictions that exist in our community. We could examine the Black family,
Black malefemale relationships; the meutal health of the Black community, relations
between the community and the white establishment and among Black people
themseives. We would hold Black consciousness raising sessions in schools,
community centers, prisons and in Black communities all ever North America-which
would teach Black bistory and culture, new liberating social ideas and values to
children and adults, ax wall at counseling and erapy techniques to resolve family
‘and marital problems, all the while giving a Black revolutionary perspective to the
iswoes of the day. Our people must be made to see that the self-tatred, disunity,
distrus, internecine violence aad ogprestive social conditions among Black people arc
{he Fesult of the legaty of African slavery and the present day effects of Capitation,
Finally the main objective of Black revolutionary culare ts to agitate and organize
‘Black people to struggle for their freedom. 23"
‘AsSteve Biko, the murdered Scuth African revolutionary, bas been quoted ai saying:
{ihe call for Black consciousness isthe most positive call to come from ally group in
the Black world for a long time, It is more than just a reactionary rejection of whites
by Blacks... At the heart of this kind of thinking is the realization ty Black that the
‘mest potent weapon ia the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed Once
the Intier has been s0 effectively manipulated and controlled try the oppressor as to
make the oppressed believe that he is 2 liahility to the white man, then there iy
nothing the oppressed can da that will really scare the powerful masters... The
Philosophy of Black conscioumness, therefore expresses group pride and the
tletermination by Blacks to rise up and attain t 3
By the “envisaged sel," Biko refers to the Black self, a liberated psyche. It is that
Which we want to rescue with such a Black conse went herein America,
We need to counter Black selt-hatred’and the frivoleus "party mentality. We alsp
Want to end the tocil degradation of our community, and rid it of drug addiction,
restitution, Black-on-Black crime, and other sccial evils that destroys the moral
fiber of the Black community, Drugs and prostitution are mainly controlled by
organized crime, and protected by the police, who accept bribes and gifts from
Sngsters, These negative socal values, the so-called "og-eat-dog" philosophy of the
Capitalist system teaches people to be individualiss of the worst sort. Willing to
onmit any kind of crime against exch other, and to take advantage of each other
‘This oppressive culture is what we are fighting. As long as it exists, it will be hard to
unify the people around a revolutionary political program.

BUILDING A BLACK SURVIVAL PROGRAM.

But there must aso be some way to ensure their economic survival in addition to
Providing new cultural role modelt 11 is then when the Commune, a networle of
Community organizations and institations, assumes its greatest importance. We will
build sociopolitical infrastructure to intervene in every area of Black lft: food aad
housing cooperatives, Black Liberation schoole, people's banks snd community
‘mutual sid funds, medical clinies and hospitals, rodent control and pest extermination
Programs, cooperative faotoris, community cultural and eatertaininent ceiors the
stablishment of an intercommunal electronic communications network, lard and
building reshunavlon projects, public works brigndes to rebuild the cities, youth
Projects, drug clinics, end many other such programs.

Page 20

AN these programs satisfy the deep needs of the Black community, but they are not
‘olations to our problems, because althongh we ean build asurvival economy now, we
hhave to realize it wll take. social revolution to overthrow Capitalism and obtain full
economic self-sufficiency. But they will help us to ergaaize the Black community
around a true analysis and wndersiand of their situation. This is why they are called
‘survival programs, mesning surviving under this system pending a socal revolution,
Building consciousness and revolutionary culture misins taking on realistic day-to-
day issues, like hunger, the need for clothing and housing, foblesoness, transportation
and other issues, 11 means that the Commune must 1 i the vacuum where people are
not being properly fed dothed, provided with adequate medical treatment or are
othermise being deprived of basic needs. 26
Contrary to the rhetoric of some leftist groups, this will not rake people passive or
just dependent'on us, Rather than struggling ageinst the government and demanding
‘hose things, It inspires confidence in the revolutionary forces and expeses the
{government as uncaring and incompetent. That is more of an incentive for the people
to revolt and overthrowa the government than baling politcal pep rallies, glving
speeches, running for pablic office, and publishing manifestss and resolutions oF
party newspapers and other garbage (that no one.reads but their own members), like
most Binck und radienl groups do wor

‘We need a new way of confronting our oppressed situation, We need to unite out
people to fight, and to do that we need to educate, agitate and organize. That's the
only way we'll win a new world. What follows it an example of the and of survival
program I mean:

41. We must have community control ofall businesses and financial institutions Ipeated
in our communities, and for those businesses not working in our best interests or not
returning somé of its revenue back to the community, we will seive said businesses
1nd turn them into community cooperatives and mutual ald basking soclatics,
2, We must have community control of all housing and major input in all community
planning of Binck communities. If a piece of property or house is owned by 2
slumlord (sither a private Realtor or government agency), we will seize it and turn i
into community housing cooperatives. We oppose Urban Renewal, sputi
‘decomposition, yuppie gentrification and other such racist schemes to drive us out of
the cities. W must have complete control of all planning boards affecting and
concerning the Black community. To enforce these demands, we should lead rent
strikes, demonsteations, armed actions and arban squatting to drive landlords out
and take-over the property.

4. We must have an independent self-sustaining economy to guarantee full
‘employment for all our people. We demand that the U.S. government provide
econcmie nid to rebuild the cities. The gorernment spends billions per year for the
Fentagon killing machine, Atleast that amount should beredirected to meet the needs
of America's oppressed communities. Ghetto housing must be rebuilt and turned over
to the occupants. Adequate jobs an services must be provided to all cemmunity
residents including first preference for all construction Jobs In the Black community,
‘when public works brigades are assigned to rebuild the cities. We must fight for
Biack grassroots contrel of all goverament funds allocated to the Black cemm
through a network of matual aid banking societies, community development
corporations, and community development credit unions.

4. Reparations: the Big Payback. The United States government and the rich class of

Page Zi

this couatry has stoles and oppressed Africans in this continent for decades. ‘They
‘worked our ancestors as slaves, and after slavery they continued to oppress, murder
and exploit our people, on down to the present day. We must build a mass movement
‘n our communities to compel the government and the rich to provide the means for
our community redevelopment. They awe us for centuries of abuse aud robbery! We
‘must demand that reparations, in the form of community development money and
other funds, be provided ard placed in credit unions, cauperatives, and otter mutual
aid institutions in the Black community, so that we ean star! to cbtain some measure
of economic seif sufficiency. Yet we know that they won't give the money to us. We
rust fight them for it, just like we must struggle to averturn the system of wage
slavery today, 2

5. End police brutality. We must organize self-defense units to protect the Black
community and its organizations, and remove the State's police farces. We demand
criminal prosecution and jailing of all brutal or Killer cops. No jurisdiction for the
‘State's judicial system in Binck liberated zones.

6. We must undertake a large-scale program to ple as doctors, nurses
and medical paraprofessionals {a order to make free quality medical and dental care
available to Black people. We must deimind that the government subsidize all such
medical and dental training, as web as for the operation of clinics, but Black people
themselves must establish and run the free medical clinics in ali Black communities

Whether urban or rural. This would include community anti drug programs and drug
ehabilitatiog clinics,

7. We must establish » Black eommunity-controlled food system for self-sufficiency
and as A way of fighting to end hunger and malnutrition, including a trackiog
network, warchoases, communal farms, farmers’ covperatives, food cooperatives,
agricultural unioas, and other collective associations, ‘This will include a protest
campaign challenging the theft of Black farmland by agribusiness corporations and
rich white “land barons" and reclaiming it for our projects. This is especially
important now that the U.S. has entered an econcmic crisis that will not be able
Provide for our needs. We must force the goverament to provide the money for mary
of these projects, to be administered under our total contrel, instead of by &
‘government sgency.

8. The Black community must have control of its entire educational system from the
nursery school through college, We mutt establish a Wlack Liberation educational
system which meets the training needs of Black children, prepares them for job
‘raining and future eeanomic security, service to their community, and gives thein 2°
knowledge of themselves and an understanding of the true history aud culture of
African people; as wel as a program of adult education for community people whose
carler educations! opportunities have been stunted We should demand free higher
eelucation for Blacks and other minorities st full government expense, including
remedial training programs for all who wish te qualify.

9. We must demand and fight for the release of all Black political prisoners and
Victims of racial injustice, we must investigate and review the cases of all such
Prisoners who ure the victims of government political repression and racist frame.
Uups, and lead a mass campaign for their release. Some of our best revel
organizers are rotting away in the prison houses of this lind.

10, The central demand Is for Black control of the Black community, it politics and
economy. We have to take over the cities, establish municipal communes, and exercise

‘onary

self-government, as a vtnl step. We are the majority in many of the major elles of
{his country ad we should be able to control our own affairs (or at feast obiain some
‘utonomy), but as we should now be aware we won't ever get this community aoelal

“ power by voting for some Bltck Capialist politician, or from passively depending for
"salvation" on lenders of one sort or smother. We have to do it ourselves if we are to
ever get on the rond to freedom. 2F
THE NEED FOR A BLACK LABOR FEDERATION

‘The demand for Black Inbor has been the central economte factor in America; Ht was
Biaek labor that butt the foundations of this nation, Beginning with slave labor in the
Old South on plantations, then with shareeropping and other farm tabor afer the
Civil war, successive migration io the North snd working mills, mine and factories
during a 40 year period (1890- 1920), and on down to the present day, Black labor is
impertant (o the functioning of the Capitalist economic order, Almost from the
beginning, Black workers have organized their ewn Labor unions and worker's
associations to represent thelr interests: the National Colored Labor Union in 1869,
the national Colored Farmer's Alliance (Populist) in the same year, the Brotherhood
of Sleeping Car Porters in the 1940s, the lengue of Black Revolutionary Workers in
he 19606; the United Consiructlon Workers Association and the Black and Peerto
Riem Cealition of Construction Workers in the 1970s, and on down to the present
day with such unions or associations as the Black Workers for Justice and the
Conltion for Binck Trade Unionists. Some of these were unions, seme were just
associations of Black workers in existing unions. (NOTE: In addition to Black
‘orgmized or led labor federations in the 1870s, there vere 90,600 Black workers In
the Knights of Labor in the 1880s and at least 100,000 in the Industrial Workers of
{he World (AWW) in the 19003,

Jin fret, the trade unions would not even exist today if it were net for the assistance
and support of the Black worker. Trade snionism was born as an effective national
‘movement amid the grent convulsions of the Civil War and the fight to end slavery,
yet Black workers were routinely excluded from unions like the American Federation
Of Labor, Only militant associntions ike the Knights, LWW and the Anarchist.
initinted International Working People's Astocintion (EWPA) would accept their
memberships at al, This continved for many years, until the founding of the Congress
of Tndusicinl Organizations (C10) be

protest setiors to organize the un:
in these bates, yet hes never fully reaped the benefits. 1n fact, the Labor bosses
betrayed thein when the CIO was beaten down inthe 1950s,

‘You would think that American labor movement would see tas erimbval cr racist to
lignere these fellow workers today in that fashion. But even now there it no labor
organization in the U. S. which gives full representation and equal trestment to Black
‘workers, The fnet ts that even with some Biack Labor efficials in office, Biack
workers receive fir fever union benefits than white workers, and are trapped in the
most low-pnid, tedious and dangerous jobs, even though they made substantial
‘ecoxomic gains during the 19608,

‘The majority of tie Binck masses are in the working class. Becsuse of the role they
play in production, Diack industrial and clerleal workers are potentially the most
powerful secior of the Black community in the struggle for Black liberation. As the
victims of inequality in the economy, Biack workers have already begun to organize
for their interests and protect their rights on the job, even ifthe union is conservative
sand won't fight the boss. They have formed union eaucwses and even independent

Page 23

lier alos where ncsry. OF ou, he uty of Black 288 white wrkes i
inept We coubat aad overina Cini cana te weeks
tow pinged nod iad ara Spree ae Wl rorher re
precede and prepare the ground for any Black-white unity on a broad scale. Black
tac athe Uno oe Beh a tt on boad sal Bch
speraig an requ fete i hc sn na wc nd
have yet t widely support democratic rights for Black and other oppresied
nationalities. Black Caucuses art important. Where they are part of organized labor,
they shal sete denoersne te ens ngee ae tet es
‘Stine le fob eat pcan ce beta ne Heung sts and
demand:

1: Rank an fe denver control ofthe unin, 24

2.Equal rights and treatment for all unionists; eliminate all racist practices in the
labor movement,

3. Affirmative action programs to redress past racist enployment practices, end
‘racial discrimination based on seniority and other ploys.

4. Full employment fer all Blacks, women, and other non-white workers.

5.A 20.30 hour workweek with no reduction in pay.

6. The right to strike, including wildeat strikes without union sanction.

‘7. Speedier and fair, grievance procedures,

8. An escalator clause in all union contracts to ensure automatic wage adjustments to
keep up with the rising cott of living,

9. Full payment of social security by employer and the government. Full
‘unemployment compensation at 100 of base pay.

10, Minimum wages st union seale,

11. Prevent runaway shops, phony bankruptey, or "strategic plant shutdowns" by
‘companies without natice to union or to gain advaatage in contract negotiations,

12, A public works program @ rebuild the Black and other inaer-city communities,
and to provide work for Black workers,

13, Worker's selémanagement of industry by factory committees and worker's
council, cleted by the workers themselves,

In addition to the union caucuses, Black worling people need « uational Black,
‘workers astociation, which would be both » revolutionary usion movement to do
Workplace erganizing, bu also would be a mass social movement for community
organizing, Such a movement would combine the organizing tactics to bath the labor
and Black Liberation movements. It is not designed to drive Blacks aut of these
unions where they are already organized, but would rather serve as a too! to multiply
thelr numbers and strength, and turn thelr unions into militant, class strugzle
instraneuts,

‘The League of Revolationary Black Workers, which organized Black auto workrs
during the late 190s provides an example of the type of organization needed The
League, which grew out of its major affiliate, the Dudge Revolutionary Movement
(DRUM), was undoubtedly the most militant Black Labor movement in American
Nidory. 11 was a Biuck tnbor federation which existed as an organized alternative to
the United Auto Workers, and was the inevitable step of taking the Black Liberation

Page 24

sMruggle fo the industriat shop floor, the point of production, and Capitaliom's most
vulnerable aren. 30
The League bad wisely decided to organize in the Detrolt automobile produetion
Industry. This was an Industry where its workers were an Important pert of the
workforce and also in-the Detroit Black community, where the League united the
struggle in the factories with that of the Biack struggle as a whole. It quickly beeame
1 major force in the workplace and in the streets as many of is cadres organized on
college campuses and in the Black inner-city arens. It had the potential to become m
mass nationwide Biack working class rfovement, but this polential was stifled
through political faction fights among the leadership, lack of» solid orgentzad base In
the factories; companyUAW/and State repression, organized racism and lack of
cooperation among white workers, and other such reavons, Eventually the League
splitinto mutvally hostile fretions and died, after les than five years of existence.
Tver though the League was at best a revolutionary syndicalism organization, and
Inter rigid Marxist-Leninist orgnnization, (ard their adoption of this later
authoritarian ideology, with its ideas of purges and unquestioned leadership, directly
lend to its demine), there is nauch that Anarchisis and radical Black Iaber activists ean
Tear from the Lengue. The main thing is that Black workers can and should be
organizec into some sore of independent Inbor association, in addition to or even in
Yiew of, their membership in organized lator unions ané especially where the unlons
are of the seliout ‘ype and discriminates against Blacks. Abo it is much easier for
Black workers to organize other Black workers and thelr community in support of
strikes ard workplace organizing, That is precisely why we need to establish a group
like the Lengte today, but 25 an Anarcho-Syndicalat organiaation, 30 28 to avoid the
past pitfalls and ideologieal squabbles of Marxism-Leninism- Simply stated what
‘would be the program of a newly formed National Federation of Biack Workers?

1. Fer elaznatruggle agsinat the bosses,

2. To organize the unorganized Black workers ignored by the trade unions

3. For workers solidarity arcong all nationalities of workers.

Itshould be at International Black Labor Federation!

From Detroit, Michigan to Durban, South Africa, from the Caribbean to Australia,
from Brazil te England, Black workers nre universally oppressed and exploited. The
Binck working class needs its own world Inbor organization. There is no racial group
more borne down by sociel restraint than Black workers: they are oppressed as
‘workers and as a people. Because of these dual forms of oppression and the fact that
most trade unions exclude or do net struggle for Black Inborer's rights, we must
organize for our own rights and iberstion. Even though in many African and
Caribbean countries there are "Black" Inbor federations, they are reformist or
government-controlied. There is a Intge working class in mary of these countries, but
‘they have no militant Inbor organizations fo lead the straggle. The building of n Black
workers! morernent for revolutionary industrial nbotage and « general trike, oF
‘organize the workers for self- management of production, and so undermine and
overthrow the government is the number one priority.

‘What would an international Black labor federation stand for? Firsily, since many
Binck workers, farmers, and pessnnts are not organized at all in most countries, such
an organization would be one big union of Black workers, representing every
‘conceivable sil and vocation. Also such an organization mears the worldwide unity of
Black workers, and then, secondly, it means coordinated International labor revolts.
Capital and Labor have nothing in eemmen,

Page 25

‘The real strength of workers against Capital snd the imperialist countries is economi
Warfare. A revolutionary general strike and boycott ofthe multinational corporations
and thelr goods by Black workers all over the globe is how they can be hurt, For
Instance if we want (0 make Britain und the USA withdraw finaacial and military
‘Support from South Africa then we use the weight and power of Black Labor in those
countries to wage strikes, sabotage, boycott and other forms of political and economic
straggle against those countries and the multinational companies involved. Tt would
ber power to be reckoned with. For instance, ecordiaated actions by trade unions
‘and political action groups in that countsy have ulrendy causes major-policy changes,
4 full-Medged general strite would likely lead to thé total economic collapse of the
‘acint South African state, especially if such strikes were supported by Black workers
in North Amerie: 3)

Jn addition to asking the Black workers to form their own international labor
federation and to organize rankc-and-file committees within thelr existing trade unions
‘to push them info-a class atruggle direction, we also invite Black workers to join
Anarcho-Syrdicalst labor organizations like the [WW and the Workers Solidarity
Alliance, the American section of the International Workerst Association, which is
based in Pari Francs. But, of course iti not intended to drive Black workers out of
those unions where they are already active, but would rather serve as a tool to
‘uutiply their number and strength ia such unions, and make them more militant.

UNEMPLOYMENT AND HOMELESSNESS

In the first three months of 1993, the US. Labor Department's Bureau of labor
‘Statistics listad official unemployment rates at about siz million persons or just seven
of the Isbor force. Under Capitalism half that figure is "normal" and nonsensical is
‘considered by Capitalist economists as full employment” even thougi this is millions
of people consigned to economic poverty of the worst sort. But the government figures
‘re intentionally conservative, and do not include those who have given up actively
searching for jobs, the under employed (who can't male eneugh to live ox), the part
time workers (who can't find a full tinie or steady job) and the homeless of which
them are now between3-5 millicn alone.

Of the 6 million people that the government does count as jobless cow, less than 3
milion are given any unemployment compensation or other federal er state ald; the
reat are left to starve, steal or hustle for their survival. A person without « job uader
the Capitalist system is counted as nothing. Every worker has the human right to a
job; yot under Capitalisin, workers are dismissed form employment in times of
business crisis, overproduction, depression or just to save labor casts through less
Workers and more speed-up. And some workers cannot find jobs in the Capitalist
labor market because flack of sills, or racial or social discrimination,

But the government's figures lie, private researchers state that the (otal number of
People who want full ime jobs and thus eannot find them amounts to nearly 143
milion persons, Clearly then this isa crisis situation of broad proportions, but all the
Goverament is doing & juggling and hiding figures. But the figures do show that
Blacks, Latinos, and women are bearing the brunt of the current Uepression The
National Urban League in is "Biden Unemployment Index" (included as part of ite
‘annual "State of Black America” report) reports levels of 15-38 percent for Black
adults 25 and alder and ineredible levels of 44-55% for teens and young adults 17-24
Years. in fact, Black youth unemployment has not declined at all since the 1974-1975
Fecessior, It has slayed at an official level of 35-40 percent, but in the major cities like
Detroit, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Los Angeles, the real unemploymeat rate is more

Page 26

like 70 percent. For Binck youth the unemployment rate is three to five times higher
‘than thet of white youth. Capitalism is making econorae exiles of Biack people as 2
swhole. The fact is that unemployment is concentrated in the Black and Hispanic
communities, and Is greatly responsible for the mest destructive tendencies Inhuman
relations nnd deteriorating elghborhoods. Crime, prostitution, suicide, drug
addiction, geng fighting, mental iflness, alcohotism, and the break up of the Black
family, and cther socis!his-all are rooted in the Inck of jobs and the denial of escential
social services in their communities. It fs nctuslly rectal genocide in the form of eoctal
neglect. 3z
‘Unemployment 1s profitable for the besses becsuse it drives down the wages of
workers and helps the employers to keep the workforce under control through this
“reserve army:of Intor,” which are allegedly slways ready to scab. Because of
pervasive discrimination against Biacla, Latinos and other xationally oppressed
workers, including higher levels unemployment-the jobs they do get art generally on
he bottom rung, This s also profitable for the boss, and divides the working cles.
Homelessness is just the most intensified form of unemployment, where in addition to
lose of job cr income, there is loss of housing and Iack of acctss to social services,
There are now millions of peeple homeless since the last 15 years, because of tl
Capitaist offensive to destroy the unions, beat back the gaint of the clvil rights
struggle,.and do anay vith the affordable housing vector in favor of yupple
‘gentrification inthe cities. You see them in cites, big and sraall, and hat this reflects
is a total breakdown in the Capitalist State's social services system, in adsition to the
heating up of the clas war waged hy government and the major corporations, It
shows, more than anything, that Crpitalism worldwideis undergoing an international
financial panic, and is really In the beginning stages of a world depression. In
addition to the 90 million persons who live below the poverty line and tires to five
million homeless in the US. there are another 2.7 milion homeless in the twelve
nations of the European community, and 80 million people am living in poverty there,
‘with millions more in the Capitalist countries of Japan, Kores and other parts of
Asia. So although Black workers must organize and fight agalust homeless and
tunemphyment in the U.S., clearly there must be sn international movement of
‘workers to fight this economic deprivation, as part of the overall class struggle. In
every city in North America, the Black workers movement shoul organice
‘unemployment councis to fight for unemployment benefits and jobs for the jobless,
the building of decent, affordable low-income housing and an end to homelessuess, a3
wall ns agninst racial discrimination in Jobs and housing, Such counells would be
emocrntic organizations, organize¢ on s neighborhtood basis, (te ensure that it would
bbe under the controt of the people, and egainst infiltration and takeover by liberal or
"endical" political parties, or co-optation by the government), which would be
federated into a citywide, regionsl, ard national organization. That organization
would be # national Black unemployment lengue, to create mass fight back
movement In this depression, It would be made up of Biack conmunity unemployed
council from ali over the country, with delegates elected from all the fecal groups.
Such s national organization could mect to map out a large-scale attack on
‘unemployment, as well ax xerve as.n national clearinghouse on Black unemployment
conditions.

On the focal level in the Binck nelghberhoods, It mould be the community
‘unemployment councils which would establish food and housing cooperatives, lead
rent strikes and squstting, initinte land and building reclamation projects, establish
producer and eonsumer ccoperative, distribute food and clothing, and provide for

Page27

other services: they would establish neighborhood medical clinics for free treatment
of the hemeless and unemployed, rodent control programs, etc., and they would deal
‘with community social problems ( brought on by unemployment ) and other issues of
interest They would build hunger marches and other demonstrations and carry the
people's wrath to various government offices and to the businesses of the rich. Not
‘only would the unemployment councils bs a way of fighting for jobs and
unemployment besefts, but alsa the councils would vay to u obtuin x great deal of
community salf-sufficiemey and direct democrscy, instead of totally depending on city
hhall, Congress or the President, and helps lead to the kind of confidence among the
‘masses that a Black municipal commune becomes a serious possibilty. 3
‘One of the most important functions of an unemployment movement is to obtain ufity
between the employed und unemployed or homeless, aud workers solidarity across
race lines, The employed and unemployed must werk together to struggle against the
‘Boss class if they are te obtain any serious gains during this period of economic crisis.
Workars who aren sirike or protesting against the hoss would he supported by the
‘unemployed, who would even man the picket lines with them and refuse to stab. In
turn the workers would form unemployed caucus iu their trade unious to allow anion
representation of these workers and also force such unions to provide food and other
‘necessities, make funds and training available fo the unemployed, as well as throw the
‘weight of the unions in the fight for decent jobs and housing for all warkers. The
Capitalist bosses will not be moved otherwise. MAKE THE BOSSES PAY FOR
‘THEIR ECONOMIC CRISIS!

Here is what united movement of workers and homeless must demand:

1, Full employmest (zero unemployment) forall workers at union wage,

2. Establishment of a shorter werlcwoek, so that workers would be paid at the rate for
40 hours of work for 20-30 hours a weekon the job.

3: End homelessness, build and make available decent affordable housing for all.
Repeal all foitering, anti-panhandling and other laws against the homeless.

4. End the war budget, and use those funds for decent, low-income housing, better
‘schools, hospitals and clinics, libraries, parks and public transportation.

‘5. End racism and sexism in job opportunities and relief berefits.

6. Jobs or » guaranteed income for sll. :

7. Hull federal and state benefits for unemployed workers and their families,

induding corporate and government funds to pay the bills, rents and debts for any

laid off worker, and unemployment compensation at 10006 of regular paid waze,

lasting the full leagth of a worker's period of unemployment.

8. National minimum wage set at prevailing union entry wage.

9. Government and corporate funds to establish a public works program to provide

jobs (with fall union rights aod wage scale) to rebuild the inner cities and provide

needed social services. ‘The program and its funds should be under the control of
democratically elected from poor and Black neighborhoods, s0 as to avoid

poverty pimps! and rip off job agencias, or goverament bureaucrats.

10, Fres all persons in prison for crimes of economic survival,

‘These, and the demands previously mentioned, are mercly a survival program a

‘agunda for unemployed workers; the real answers Social revolution the elimination

of Capitalism, and workers self-management ofthe economy and society. This is

Page2e

vital first step however. Them would be no unemploymest.or social need for wage
labor in an Anarchist-Commurist society.

CRIMES AGAINST THe PeopLe >

tis the rich whe decide what is or fs not # crime; itis not e.ncutral designation. The
Jaws are written to protect therrich and those whe aet as agents ofthe State, Bat mest
personal crimes art not committed against the rich, they are usually inaccessible, It is
oor and working cltas Black people who are the major vletins of violent erime. The
Black female Is the primary victim of raps and abuse by the Black male in this
country. The Black male kimself isthe leading homictde victim in the U.S. by another
Black man like himself, and sadly our children are among the lending victims of child
abuse, many times by his or her own parents. We do not lice to think of these things
in the Black community, but we are battering and lelling ourselves at am alarming
rate, This is not to deny that the Capitalist social system has crested frustrating,
Acgrading conditions of life that contribute to this brutality and fratricide, but we
‘would be lax in our humane and revolutionery duty If we did not try to correct this
robles on the shorterr, and alse make Black people assume respensibility for our
actions. I am not talking some Black conservative or "law and orde:" garbage here,
but rather recognition of fact that we have 2 problem
‘We have an external and an internel erbis situation facing us In our communkky. The
external crisis it racism and colonialism, which works to systematically oppress us
and Ss responsible for whatever internal crisis there is. The internal crisis is the result
ofan environment where drugs and violence (both social and physical) are rampaat,
and life is sometimes considered cheap, Black-on-Black crimes and internal violexce
are destroying our commnnity. 11 is undoubtedly self-hatre? and the desperate
economic and secial conditions we live under which makes us prey on each other.
Drugs, frustrated rage, prostitation and other vices are symptoms of eppresbion
‘We kill, best, rape and brutalize esch ether because we are in pain ourselves. Thus
‘we are acting out anti-social roles defined for us by someone else, not ourselves. In
‘our pain and confusion we strike out st convenient and farilisr victims; those Ike
‘ourselves Them are erdinary Black people who stesl and rob just to survive under
this system, because ofthat unequal distribution of wealth. Further, for sume of us, In
our desire to "make it" in Capitalist society we will stop at nothing, including
murder. And finally, there are those who do whatever they do because of drug.
adiliction or mental sickness.
‘Whatever the reasons, we have a serious problem that we must remedy because itis
tearing away at the moral and social fabric of our community. It will be Impassible to
unite Black people If they are in fear and hatred of one another. It is also obvious that
tie potice nad government reetfy this probiem and that only the Biack community
can do so. The courts and prison prevent the situation from recurring. Therefore
what ean we do?
Itis the community, through it ows organizations of concern, which will have to‘dzal
‘with, this problem. Community self-managed programs to work with Black youth
members, (@ source of much violence in the community), rather than the
military approach of calling in the cops, empower the community rather than the
racist prison bureaucracy and the cops. Also, the community-run drug rehabilitation
groups, therapy and counseling groups, and sther neighborhood organizing help us to
effectively deal with the problem of internal violenes and hopefully defuse it. Most
‘importantly it involves the community in the effort.
But wecannot totally depend epon counseling or rehabilitation techniques, especially

Page23

‘where them is an imaediate threat of violence or where it has occurred. So, to insure
peace and public security, a Black community guard service would be organized for
this purpose, as well as to protect against the white Power structure. This security
force would be elected by local residents, and would work with the help of people in
neighborhoods. This is the only way It would work. It would aot be an suxiliary of
the current colonial occupation army in our community, and would not thresten oF
{intimidate the community with violence against our youth. Nor would such a
community guard protect vice and organized crime. This community guard would
only represent the community that elected it, instead of city hal. Similar such units
‘would bs orgenized all over the city on a blockcby-block basis. 35°
Yet the Anarchists go further, and say that after a municipal commune is set ip, the
existing courts must te replaced by voluntary community tribunals of arbitration,
and in cases of grave crimes, connected with murder, or offenses agsinst liberty and
equality, special communat court of a non-permanent anture would be set up.
Anarchists believe that antisocial crime, meaning anything thal oppresses, robs, or
does violence to the working class must be vigorously cpposed. We cannot wait until
after the revolution to oppose such dangerous enemies of the people. But since such
antisocial crimes are a direct expression of Capitalism, there would be a real attempt
‘o socialize, politically educate and rehabilitate offenders, Not by throwing them into
‘the white Capitalist prisons to suffer like animale and where, because of their tortur
‘and huniliation, they will declare war on all society, but by invoiving them in the life
‘he community and giving them social and vocational training. Since all the
‘criminology experts” agree that crime is a social problem, and since we know that
‘88 percent of all crimes are against property and are commited in order to survive in
sconamieally unjust society, we must recogaize that only full employment, equal
sconomie opportunity, decent housing aad otter aspects of socisl justice will ensure
nd fo criue, In short, we must have radleal social change to radicate the social
conditions that cause crime, An unequal anfair society like Capitalism creates its own
criminal class, The real thieves and murderers, businessmen and politicians, are
protected under today’s legal system, while the poor are pusished. That is class
justice, and that is whet Social revolution would abolish.
‘But understandably, any persons want to end the rape, marder, and vioience in our
communities today, and wind up strengthening the hands of the State and its police
agents. They will not got rid of crime, but the cops will militarily patrol our
communities, and further turn us against one another. We must say away from that
trap. Frustrated and confused, Black people may attack oze anather, but instead of
condemsing them to a slow death in prison or shooting them down ia the streets for
Fevenge, we must deal with the underlying social causes behind the act.
Anarchists should begin to have community forums on the cause and manifestations
of erimein the Black community. We have to seriously exa
family, sehocls, prisons, jobs, et. that cause us to fuss, fight, rob and kill each other,
athor then the coomy who is causing all our misery. While we should mobilize to
restrain offenders, we must begin te realize that only the community will effectively
eal with the mater. Not the racist Capitalist system, with its repressive police, courts
‘and prisons. Only we have psychology and understanding to deal with it; row we
‘aust develop the will. No one else care
Instead of oye-for eye punishment, there should be restitution to the victims, thelr
families or seclety. No revenge, such as the death penalty will bring a murder victim
ack, nor will long-term imprisonment serve either justice or the protection of
society. Afterall, prisons are ony human trashenns for those that society has

Page 20

ded as worthless. Ne sane and just aasiety would adopt such « course. Sociely
rakes criminals and must be responsible for their treatment. White capitalist society
is itself « crime, and is the greatest teacher of corraption and violence. 36
In an Anarchist society, prisons would be done away with, along with courts and
police (except for the exceptions I have slluded to), and be replaced with communtty-
Fun programs and centers interested solely with hulnan regeneration and social
training, rather than custedial supervision in a inhuman lockup. The fact is that if a
person is s0 violent or dangerous, he is probably mentally warped or hee some
physical defect anyway, which causes him té commit violent acts after social Justice
hhas been wen. If such people are mentally defective, then they should be placed in a
‘mental health failty, rather than a prison. Human rights shoatd never be stripped
tnd he should not be punished. Scheols, hospitals, doctors and above all social
equality, publle welfare and liberty mght prove the safest means to get rid of erimes
‘and criminals together. If 2 spedal eategery such 23 criminal” or “enemy” is
created, then these persons may forever feel an outcast and never change. Ken ihe
for sho i a class enemy, they should retain all civil and human rights in society, even
though they of course would be restrained if they led a ceunter-revolution; the
Aiiference is we want to defeat them ideologically, not militerly or by conslgning
them to a so-called reeducation camp or to be shot like the Bolsheviks did when
assuming power in Russia in 1917.

‘There are two major reasons why activists in the Black community as we move to
‘change society, its values and conditions, must immediately trke a serious look and
fact (0 change the political debate around crime, prisons and the so-called criminal
justice system, Those two reasons hit right homel One i because during any given
Year, one out of four Black men in this country is im prison, in jall on parole, or
‘probation, compared to just one of every fifteen white men. Ja fact Blacks make up
‘50-85 percent of mest prison populations sround the U.S., making a truism of the
radical phraseology that "Prisone are concentration camp for the Black and poor.” Tt
may be your brother, sister, husband, wife, daughter or son in prison, but I guarantee
Yyeu-we all know someone in prison at this very minutet The other primary reason
Biacks have a yested interest in crime and.pensl institutions is because by far, most
Blacks and other noa- whites are in prison for committing offenses against thelr own
‘community.

Prisons are compact duplicates of the Black community, in that many of the same
negative and destrictive efements that are allowed to exist in our community and
cause crime, especially drugs, are in poison in a more blatant and concentrated form
‘To call such places ‘correctional or “rehabilitative” institutions isa gross misnomer.
Death camps are more like it These prisons do not exist to punish everyone equally,
bat to protect the existing Cupitslist system from you and I, the poor and working
class.

‘The high rate or recidiviam proves, and the so-called authorities all agree, that the
prison system is total failure. About 70 percent of those entering prison are repeat
‘elfenders who commit increasingly serious crimes. The brutality or prison experlence
fand the "ex-con" stigma when they are finally released make them worse. Basic to
Solving these crucial problems fe orgmization. The Black community and the Black
Liberntion movement must suppert the prisoners in their fight for prisoners human.
rights They should fight far the release of poltiex! prisoners and victims of racial
injustice, They should also form coalitions of groups in the Black community to fight
against the racist penal and judical system, and especialy the unequal appleatien of
{he death penalty, which is just another form of genocide against the Black race. And

Page 31

finally, and maybe most importartly, local community groups must begin programs
of re- education with brothers and sisters in prison bectuse only through planned,
regular, and constant contact car we begin to resolve this problem that se directly

{ouches ou lives, Abolish pritons 37
THE DRUG EPIDEMIC: A NEW FORM OF BLACK
GENOCIDE?

‘One of the worst forms of criminality is drug dealing, avd it deserves same sepsrate
comments all its own. There is a negative drug subculture in the Black ccmmunity
‘hat gloriics, or at leact makes acceptable, drug use, even though itis killing us and
destroying our community. In fact, every day we rend of some junkie in our
‘communities dying over an overdose of drugs, or of some street corner drug dealer
dying from 2 shootout over 4 dispute or tip-off during a drug deal “gone sour." The
tragedy of the latter is that, these days, innocent vietims — children or elderly people
have also been gunned down in the crossfire. The drug addict (the new term seems
to be “erack-head") le another tragi figure; he was a human being just like anyone
tise, Dut because of his oppressed social environment, sought drugs to exse the pain or
to escape temporarily from the "concrete jungles" we are forced live in the urban
ghettos of America,

With the introduction of crack, a more powerful derivative of coesine, which made its
appearance in the 1980s, even more problems and tragedies ofthis sort had developed
= more addicts, more street gang kilings, and more deterioration of oar community.
In the major urban areas there have slmost always been drug uses, what is new is the
depth of geographical penetration of crack to Black communities in all areas of the
‘country, But the «presd of crack is just » followanp tn massive government drug
peddling that began at the end of the decade of the 1960s. The white House is the
“rock house,” meaning the U.S. political administration Is behind the whole drug
trade. The U.S. government has actually been smuggling drugs into this country for
many yesrs aboard CIA and military planes to use as a chemical warfare wenpon
agaiast Black Amerien. ‘These drugs were mostly heroin imported from the so-called
"Golden Tringle" of Southesst Asia during the Vietnam War. But with the
Introduction of crack cocaine, there was no need to Import drugs into the country at
the same exteat as before, because: itcould be chemically prepared in a maintand fab,
fand then distributed immediately. Crack crested a whole new generation of drug
clients and customers for the drug dealers; it was cheap and highly addictive.

‘Crack and other drugs are a huge source of profits for the government, and it keeps
the Diack community passive and politically indifferent, That is the main reason why
‘we cannot depend upon the police force and or the government to stop the drt
traffic or help the victims hooked on drugs. They are pushing the drugs to bent es
down, on the one hand, but the State is also made more powerful becnuse of the
phony "war on drugs" which allows police state measures in Black and oppressed
Communities, and because of millions of dollars in government monetary
‘appeopriations made of "law enforcement agencies, who supposedly are putting
ddovn the traffic in drugs. But they never go after the bankers or the big business
pharmaceutical companies who fund the drug trade, ust the strest level dealers, who
areususlly poor Blacks.

Unemployment is another resson that drug trafficking is so prevalent in ovr
commiurities, Poor people will desperately look for anything te make money with,
even the very drugs that are destroying out communities. Tut if people have no jo>s
‘or income, drugs look very lucrativeand the best way out of the situation. In fact, the

Page 32

drug economy has bezome the only income in many peor Black communities, and the
only thing that some people perceive will lift them out of lives of desperate poverty.
Clearly, decent jobs at a unign wage are part of the answer to ending drug trafficking
in our community, rather than » dependence on police, courts and the State. The cops
are not our friends orally, and-mast be expoted for their part in protecting the trade,
rather than suppressing it 3

Only the community can stop drug trafficking, and & 1s aur respoasibiity however
you Took at it. After all, those junkies are our brothers and sisters, mothers and
fatners, neighbors aud friends; they are no strangers. We must organize o'save their
lives and the life of our community, We must establish anti-dope programe in Black
‘communities all over the country. We must expose and counter the goverameat's role
as pusher of dope, along with that of the police as protector of the drug trade. But

‘up and lear a trade and the sociepolitical reatons for drug
use), propagands against drug use, and other activities,

Junkies are the vietins of the drug society, which thinks its cool to use drugs.
Children are some of the biggest victims of drug dealing, when they are tricked or
forced (by economic necessity) into using or selling it. The users and dealers both are
victims, but the dealers are something else than entirely innocent Even though that
Bisck on the corner selling dope bags isa victim himself of the economic and polities!
system which makes him do it, dope dealers are a corrupt, dangerous breed who must
be stopped Many people have beon killed or aetiously injured for naively trying to
‘oppose dope dealers, and make them leave their neighborboods, Therefore, whereas
the policy with juukies would be more benevolent and understanding, with dope
dealers we ust be cautious, and even ruthless when It is called for. We need to try to
win them over‘first with an ecenomic and political pregram to draw them away from
the (hug trade, but many of the dealers are so violence prone, especially the "big
shots" (who are also protected by the cops) they must be opposed by both military
and political means,

We are not advueating the summary murder of people, but we are saying if't takes
death t9 bring about a change in the community, so be it! The iseue of death is
‘essentiully an ismue of who is doing the dying. It can be direct and exercised against
the death merchant, or it can be indirect and exercised aguinst our youth-if we let It.
‘To be aware of a dangerons situation ard wot more to change t1s tobe as responsible
for that dangerous situation as those who created it in the first place.

Listen, { don't want to simplify this problem by saying that just killa few street-level
dealers and that will end it, No it won't, AND WE DON'T WANT TO DO THAT
ANYWAY! They are just poor people trying to survive this system, just paws the
<drog game whose lives don't matter to tie big Capitalists or goverument. When they
say so these strect level dealers will be killed or imprisoced, but the drug peddling
system will go on, This is a seciopolitical problem, which can best be addressed by
grassroots organizations. But it's the corporate and industrial backers of the drug
‘rade (not just the comer dealer) that not only must not only be exposed, but must be
moved on. In addition te educational, agitation aud uther action, there must be
ailitary action by revolutionary cell.

‘The underground actions which we are asking people to move an can be carried out
by a relatively small group of dedicated people, a revolutionary cell of armed fighters,
who have been trained in guerrilla tactics But even these small groups of people must
hhave the support of the ncighborhoods ia order tv function, otherwise people will not
know it from another violent gang, Once

Page23,

community, then we can begin to put thla propeesl into action against the most
violent, high-level drag dealers. We are addressing ourselves to what can be mare or
less be considered to be guicelines for dealing with the problem on a neighborhood or
ccommunity-mide level then stm national level 24

1. Set up drug education clases in the commusity, for the youth especially, to expose
the mature of the drug trade, who It hurts, and how the government, banks, and
pharmaceutical companies are behind i al.

2. Exposure of the death merchants and their police protectors. Photos, posters, ers,
rewnletters,e.).

3. Harnuoment of the deslers; Le, threntoning phone calla, mocking the drug
"product," have ctizers marching inside thelr "place of busines,” and other tactics,

4, Set up drug rehablltation clinics so that junkies cm be treated, can study the
ature of their opprestion, and can be wan over to revolutionary polities. We must
vwin people avay from drug use and to the revolution

5. Physical elimination of the dealer; intimidation driving him out x neighborhood or
‘out of town, beatings, and ausastination, whore necersary.

DOPE IS DEATH! WE MUST FIGHT DOPE ADDICTION BY ANY MEANS
NECESSARY! DO ALL YOU CAN 10 HELP YOUR PEOPLE IN THE ANII-DOPE

WAR!
AFRICAN INTERCOMMUNALISM

‘The Anarchist Ideals lend loglelly to internationalism or more precisely trant-
anationalism, which means beyond the nation-state, Anarchists foresee » time when the
nation-state will cease to have sny positive value at all for most people, and will in
fact be junked. But that tine i not yet here, and untl itis, we must organize for
Intercommanalism, or world relations between African people and their
revelutionary social movements, instead of their governments and hens of state

‘The Black Panther Party first put forward the concent of intercommunalism in the
1960s and, although slightly different, Is very much a libertarian concept at Its core.
(This used to be eniled "Pan Afrieanism," but included mairly "revolutionary"
{governments and colonial or independence movements as allies). Because ofthe legacy
of slavery and continting cconemie neotoloninllam, which has dispersed Blacks to
‘every continent, it is fessible to speak of Biack international revolutionary solidzrity.
Here 1s how Anarchists see he world: the world is presently organized into
competing nation-states, whlch thongh the Capitalist Western nations have been
Fesponsible for mest of the world's famine, imperialism and exploitation of the non-
‘white peoples of the earth, In fact, all stntes are inetruments of oppression. Even
though there are governments that claim to be "workers state,” "Socialist countries”
or ap-called "Revolutionary governments,” In essence they al} have the same function:
dictatorship and oppression of the many over the few. The bankruptey of the state is
farther proven when one looks at the millions of dead over two world wars, sparked
bby Raropean Imperialism, (1914-198 and 1935-1945), and hondreds of “brush wars
Incked by the superpowers of the West or Russia in the 1960s and continving to this
Gay. This includes "workers" states" tke Ctina-Russin, Vietnam-China, Viernan-
Cambodia. Somalin- Ethiopin, Russie-Czechoslovakin and other: who have gone to
‘war over border disputes, political intrigue, Invasion or other hostile netion. As tong,
as there are nation-states, there will be war, tension and national enmity.

In fact, the sad part about the decolonization of Africa in the 1960s was that the
countries were organized into the Eurocentric ideal of the nation-nte, instead of

Page 34

some scrt of other formation more applicable to the continent, suck 28 2 continental
foveration, This, of courte, was a reflection of the fact that although the Africans
‘were obtaining "flag independence" and all the trappings of the sovereign European
state, they in fed were not obtaining freedom. The Europeans sill controlled the
economies of the African continent, and the nationalist leaders whe came to the fore
‘were for the mast pert the most pliabls and conservative possible. Tire countries of
Africa were like » dog hough the Europeans could not
longer rules the contineat directly thorough colonial rule, it now did 20 through
puppets it controlled and defended, like Mobute In the Congo, Selassie in Ethiopia,
and Kenyatta in Kenya. Many of these men wars dictators of the worst srt end thale
regimes existed strictly because of European finance capital in addition, there were
white settler communities in the Portuguese colonies, South Africa, and Zimbabwe,
who oppressed the African peoples even worse than the old colonial system, This is
‘why the national liberation movements made their appearances in the'1960s and 70s.
Anarchists support national liberation movements to the degree that they struggle
‘against x colonial or imperialist power; but also note that in almost every Instance
where such liberation fronts have astumed state power, they have become "State
Commanist" parties and new dictators over the masses of the people. These inclade
same who had engaged in the mast epic struggles, but alse include many based on the
‘ost odvioas military dictatorship from the start. They are not progressive and they
tolerate no dissent For instance, no sooner bad tie MPLA government bean in power
m Angola, than it Dogan to arrest all its left-wing ideological opponents (Macista,
‘Trotskyites, Anarchists, and others) and te forcibly to quell strikas by workers for
higher pay and Detter working conditions, calling auch job actions “blackmail” and
‘economic sabotage." And with the Nito Alves affair and his alleged coup attempt,
(Alves was u hero ofthe revolution and a popular military leader), thore was the first
arty purge of opponents in the new goverament. Scmothing similar to this to took.
place when the Sandinista National Liberation movement took over in Nicaragua in
we 1980s. Nowe of this should seein strange or uncharacteristic to Anarchists, when
‘we cousider that the Bolshevik party did the same thing whan it consolidated state
power during the Russian Revolution (1917-1921). 40
Countries such as Benix, Ethiopia, the People's Republic of the Congo and other
“revolutionary” governments in Afriea, are not in power as the result of « popular
secial revolution, but rather because of x military coup or being installed by ane of
the major world powers Further; many of the national liberation movements were
not independent social movements, but were rather under the infence or control of
Russia or China as part of their geopolitical struggle against Weetera imperisliem
and exch other. This is not to say that revolutionary movements should not accept
‘weapons and other material support from an outside power, as long as they remain
independent politically and determine their own policies, without such sid being
conditional on the political dictates and the "party lie" af another country.
ut even though we may differ with them politically and tactically in many are
even with all their flava: afler assuming State power, the revolutionary liberation
fighters are our comrades and allies in common struggle against the common enemy
— the US. imperialist ruling class, while the fight goes on. Their strugale releases the
death grip of U.S, and 7Keste imperialism tar as Anarchists more precisely eall it
Capitalist world pewer), and while the fight goes on we are bound together in
comradeship and solidarity. Yet we still eansot overlook strecities committed by
movements like the Khmer Rouge, x Marsist-Leninist guerrilla movement in
Cambodia, which just massacred millions of people to carry out rigid Stalinist

Page 35

politteal policies and to consolidate the country, We mast Iny this butchery nud ather
crhmes committed by State Communtsm bate for all to see. We do not favor this kind
of revolution, which is Just sheer power seeking and terrorism against the peopl
‘This is why Anarchism has always disagreed with how the Bolsheviks seized power in
Soviet Russiny and Stalin's butchery of the Russisn people seems to have set x model
forthe State Communist movements to follow over the yenrs. 41
‘The national liberation fronts make one basic mistake of meny nationalist movements
‘of oppressed peoples, and that fs to organize in n fashion that etnss distinctions are
obliterated This happened In America, where in the fight for demoeratis rights, he
cull rights movement ineluded Black middle clnss prenchers, fenchers and others, and
every Black persons was a "brother" or" slater,” a8 long ax they were Back. But
simplistic analysis and social reality did not hold for long, because when the Civil
rights phase of the American Black straggle lind spent ict class distinctions and
class struggle came te the fore. They have been getting sharper ever sinee. Although
them are Black mayors and other bureaucrats, they merely serve as pacification
‘agents of the State, "Black faces in high places.” This neoceloniat system is similar to
‘the type of neoeclonialism which tovk pace in the 3rdWorld, after many countries bad
obiained thelr "independence" in the 1960s, Burope all maintained control through
puppet politcinas and a command of petty bosrgecis chss, who were willing to
barter the freedom of the people for personal grins. These people merely preside aver
the misery of the masses. They are not « serious concession to our sirnpgle. They are
putin effice to ce-opt the strugele and denden the people to thelr pain.

Se while Black , revolutionaries generally favor the idens of African
intereommunalism, they want principled revolutionary wnity. OF course, the greatest
service we enn render the peoples of the so-called “Third Workd" of Africa, Asin and
Latin America, is to make a revolution hem in North America-in the belly of the
east. For in freelng ourselves, we get the U.S. imperialist ruling class off both out
‘backs. Wo wish to build an international Black organization against Capitalism,
racism, colonialism, imperiniism, and military dictatorship, which could more
effectively fight the Capitalist powers and ereate & world federation of Binck peoples.
We want to unite a brother or sister in North America with the Black peoples of
Australia and Ocesnia, Africa, the Caribbean nd Scuth Amerien, Asia, the Middle
East, and those millions of our people Living in Britain and other Western Earopenn
countries, We want to unite tribes, nations and Blnck cultnres inte an internaticanl
body of grassroots and struggling forces.

Allover the world, Black people are being oppressed by their national governments.
‘Some are colonial subjects in European countries, and one or another of the African
Siates exploits some. Only Social revotution will lead to Black nity and freedont.
However this will only be possible when there exists an international Black
revolutionary organization and socisl movement. An organization which ean
ceordinnte the resistince struggles everywhere of African peoples; actually network
of suck organizations, resistance movements, which are spread all over the world
‘based on a consensus for revolutionary struggle. This concept accepts any level of
violence that will be mecessary to enforce the demands of the people and workers. In
those countries where an open Bleck revolutionary movement would be subjected 10
flerce repression by the state, such as in South Afticn and in same Black pnppet
Gictntorships in other parts of Atrien, the Caribbenn, and Asi, it would be necessary
‘te wage an undergreund resistance strugele. Further, the state has grown more and
more violent, with widespread torture and execations, prisons and maximum police
controls, spying and deprivation of democratic rights, police brutality and murder.

Page 36

fan gy, Suh koveruuments-and all govarnmests-must be overthrown. They wll net
drei {iternal economic oF political problems, but must be defeated. and
dismantled. So we call for an international resistance movement {0 overdhony
governments and the system of Capitalist world government

But even in the Western imperialist countries,

Marfare arisicg out of the eolletively felt frustrations of the common pesple and
Workers. The use of military methods wotld be necessary in « ease where the viclowee
Of the state made it imperative for Black revolutionaries to defend themeshes bp
thaing she armed offensive agalnst the state aud the ruling cass, and to exprogeiats
{he wealth of the Capitalist class during the Social revolution,
‘The Black liberation movement needs an crgarization capable of international
gaiation of the Black liveration struggle, a world federation of Aftican peoples
Although this would mot just be an Anarchist movement a federation like this woud
be mude effective than any group of states, whether the United Nation or the
Organization of African Unity, in frosing the Black uusses. It would involve the
Frases of People themssives, not just national leaders or nation states. The military
Gctators wad government bureaverats have only proven tha they know how to spend
coaeug Som and drcunstance, but not how to dismantle he last vestiges of
‘cplonialises in South Afrien or defeat Western neocolonialist intrigues. Africa iy stil
the poorest of the World's con ‘while materially the richest. The contrast is
Gear: cillions of people are starving in much of Equatoriel Aftica, but the tribal
i cary dictators, are driving around in Mercedes and living in
luxury vias, while they do the bidding of West European and American benleon
Tae el ke thternational Monetary Fund, They ure part of the problem, not part of
the solution!
Cur Weas about the importance of intercommunalism am based an a firm belief that
‘aly 2 federation of frec peoples will bring true Black power to the masses "Foser to
{he people” docs met mean a government or politcal party ta rule in thelr nance bet
TEL nO Political power in the hands of the prople themselves. The only real
“people's power" is the power to make their decisios tere of importance, and
{¢ merely elect someone else to do se, or to have 2 dictatorship forced down thelr
throats True freedom is to have full self-determination about one's social economic
{ind cultural development. The future is Anarchist Communism, not the nalion state
bivody dictators, Capitalism or wage slavery,

ARMEO DEFENSE OF THE BLACK COMMUNE

"Our insistence on military action, defensive and Yetellatory, kas nothing to do
with romanticism or precipitous idealist fervor. We want to be effective, We
want io lve. Our history teaches us that dhe sccessful Uiberation struggles
Teauire an armed people, a whole people, actively participating in the struggle
for their liberty!""— George Jackson, quoted in Blood in my Rye

‘We must organize self-defense units to Protect the Black community and its
orgunizations. iis the police and the government who are the main perpeitatert of
violence against Black People, Every day we read of the police murdering and
traimin the people in our community ail inthe mame of law and order." This plier
‘brutality hes included the uso.of deadly force agsinat children as young se five yore

Fage37

old and elderly persons over.75 years old! We must disnrm snd demilitarize the
polle, and foree them to leave our community. Perhaps this can be done after ®
rebellion or Insurrection drives them out. oF perhaps they will have co be driven out
by a street guerrilla force, like the Black Liberation Army tried to do in the 19703, I
Ihave no way of knowing. I just knew that they hve to go. They are an oppressive
occupying army, are uot of our community, cannot understand its problems, and do
not identify with its people and their needs. Further, itis the cerruption of the cops
‘that pretects organized erime and vies in our community, nnd Capitalism with its
exploitative economic conditions whieh is responsible for all crime, 42.
Exiting police forces should be replaced with the Black community's own self
defense foret, made wp of members of our community elected or appointed by their
neighbors te’ that position, or from an existing street guerrilla force or political
organization if the ptople agree. They would be subject to immedinte recsll and
lamissal by the Community Control borrds of an aren, ‘This is only so that we will
have community control of the self-defense farce, begin to deal with fratrickdnt Black-
on-Black crime, and be able to defend ourselves from white racist or police attacks.
‘With the increase of white racist violence teday, and the possibility of white mob
action in the futore, usually in the name of "law and order,” thie community qelf
defense fores is most important, The only question is: cam we do this now?

‘We exist now under conditions of nominal legality and clvil rights, Init nt some stage
{m the process of building up ovr farces, his inevitable that the white power structure
‘ill recognize the danger to itself reoresented by such & free Black commune, and will
then try to forcibly repress it. We must have the self-defense capability to resist. This
concept of organizing a self-defense force accepts any level of violence that will be
necessary to enforce the demands of the people and workers. Yet these selt-lefense
forces would not a ‘party vanguard,” 2 police force, or even a standing army in the
Statist or usually thought of sense; they would be a Black Peoples’ militia, self-
matiaged by the workers and community itself: in other words, the people-in-arms.
‘These militi organizations will allow us to engage in offensive or defensive actions,
‘ther in general community defense, or na part of an inaurrection oF amderground
resistance.

‘But what do we do right now in conditions of legality, o rectnim our community from
violent racitt cops? Do we sit around and debate the appropriateness of militery
Preparation, when the enemy is our community now, committing rape and murder of
‘Black people or do we hit back? How do we even get the Iden nerors 19 our people ancl
start to train them for paranilitary operations? On n monss tale, 1 advocate the
tmmediate formation of defense and survival skills stady groups, under the guise of
‘gun clubs, martial aris societies, wilderness survival clubs or whatever we need to call
them, A’ thorough understanding of marksmanship, ammunition fabrication,
demolition and werpon manufacturing ix minimal for everyone. In addition, we
should study first ald pertaining to the rather traumatic injuries sustained from
gunfire aud explosives, combat communications, corte weapons, combat tactics for
the small group, combat strategy for the region or nation, combat intelligence of
police and military activities among other subjects, These subjects are indispensable if
am live underground or during 2 genera! insurrection.

‘We should put emphasis em the purchase, collection, duplication and dissemination of
military manuals, gunsmithing textbooks, explosive and improvised demolitions
manuals, pelice and government technical manuals, and pirnted editions of right-ving
manuals on the subject (since they seem to write the best material in this aren), and
also begin the study of how to build intelligence networks to collect information on

Page38

the rapidly growing Ski

ad and other totalitarian racist organizations, along with
intelligence and counter-iatelligenes information on the goverament scerst police and
ww enforcement agencies, like the FBI, CIA, ATF, e'e., and oa any and every other
subject which could be of use to us in the coming struggle.
Even though in the United States, development of
simpler than many other ccuntries because arms and ammunition are widely
available, it is logical to assume that the arms sivuation will eon be ao tight s0 a2 t0
make firewrms virtually unobtainable, exept through an expensive Black market
because of the government's “war an dfugs" and other propesed gun convrol
Seyislation to prevent strest vielence,” or so they say (Do you think the sporting goods
stores will be open during an insurrection?) Therefore we should learn to use
‘machine tool technology (0 produce our awn weapons. Perfectly adequate firearms
may be produced using 4 minimum of machine teals, providing the individual or
‘ereup is willing to do the necessary studying wad preparation. It is net enough to
‘know 2 little about these subjects; tis a matter of future survival — of life and death
that one be highly proficient.
1 am not advoesting the immediate waging of urban guerrilla warfare, espectally
Where there is ne mass base for sueh activities. What I am advocating at this stags is
armed self-defense and the knowledge of tactics to resist military aggression against
the Black community. It is a foolish and unfortunate trait among Anarchists, the
‘White left und sestions of the Black movement to condemn the study of military sis ax
premature or adventaristic, ar am the other hand, to cast oneself into w blind fury of
‘yank expropriations, kidnappings, bombings or plane hijackings. Teo meny people in
‘the movement have a death trip approuch to guns—they sssumeif you are not “fooling
arcund” then you should prove your convictions via suicidal shootout in the strents,
AL doesn't have te be that way.
But the Black movement daesn't even have the lurury of such tepid debates, and must
hhave an armed defense policy because America has u long traditien of goverament
politcal repression and vigilante paramilitary violence. although such attacks have
‘heen dicected primarily at Blacks and other oppressed nationalities in the past, they
aye alto been directed at labor unions and dissident political groups. Such violence
makes it absolutely necessary ta acquire familiarity with Grearms and. tility
tactics. In fact, the Black Resistance movement that I spoke of earlier should think of
itself asa paramilitary movement, rather than « strict politiel association.
We must assert cur rights to armed self-defense and revolution, even though itis true
rat tere is Iet of loose talk about guns, self defense, revolution, "urban guerilla,
Warfare,” efc., in the Black and radical movements, but with very lite study ond
Dractice in handling and using weapons. Some ofthe same folks think “picking up the
means that you pick one up for the first time on the day of an insurrestion oF
confrontation with police. This is nonsense and is the real revolutionary suicide,”
you could yet ted not knowing whut you are doing. But many instances attest to the
fact that armed community self defense can be carried out successfully, such a the
MOVE resistance in Philadelphia, the Republic of New Africa armed resistance in
Detroit and Mississippi and the Black Panther eases. Even as important as the net of
defense itself is, isthe fuct that these instances of successful self-defense have made a
‘tremendous impact on the Black community, encouraging other nets of reiistance.
INSURRECTION
Bui what isu rebellion and haw does it differ from ax insurrection? An ingurrection
isu general uprising sgainst the power structure. It ig usualy a sustained rebellion

Page39

over the course of days, weeks, months or even yenrs. It is x type of class war tlint
Involves a whote population in am act of armed or seml-urmed resistance. Sometimes
alsiakenty called a rebellion, Its character ls far more combative and revolutionary,
Rebeliions are almost (otally spontaneous, short-term affairs. An insurrection i also
not the revolution, SINCE REVOLUTION IS A SOCIAL PROCESS, RATHER
‘THAN A SINGLE EVENT, but it em be an inportant part of the revolution, maybe
its final phase, An insurrection ls planned violent protest campsign which takes the
spontaneous revolt of the masses to « higher level Revolutionaries intervene to push
Febullions to insurrectionary stage, and the insurrection an to n secial revolution. It is
not small, Isclated pockets of urban guerrilat taking setlons, walens those gusrll
are partof a larger revolt. as
The importance af recognizing the true difterences of exch level can define our
strategy and tactics at that stage, and not lend us prematurely into » fuli offensive,
when the enemy is not yet weakened enough ty mass action or political attacks. The
wuses of the revolt enanot be understated
ries intervone in such straggles to show people how to resist and
ng freedom. We want to take the peoples rebellions against
the state and use them fo weaken the rule of Cspita! We want to create resistance on a
longer term and to win liberated xenes To disconnect these communities from the
stats mean that these rebelfiont will nerume n conscious pelitieal character like the
Palestinian Intifada in the occupied territories controlled by lirael in the Middle
Bast. Creating the pussbility of * Black insurrection mvenns popularizing and
spreading the various retelllons to otter cities, towns and even countries, and
increasing them In number and frequency. Jt alse means consciously nullifying the
power of the state, instead of temporary revolts azsinst it, which ultimately preserves
its power. There must be deliberate attempt to push the government out of
‘exltence, and eatablist People's Power. This has not yet happened with the various
Black revolts we have seen since 1964, when the first such modern revolt erupted in
Harlem, NY.
Jn the 1960s, the Black communities all over the U.S. rose up sneily with massive
rebulllons ageinst the state demanding racial justice. After the Harlem revolt for the
next four years major rebellions shook the U.S in the Watls section of Los Angeles,
Detroit, Chiengo, and hundreds of other North American cities. tolated nes of police
Drutaiity, racial discrimination substandard housing, economic exploitation, "the
hhocdlum element,” a breakdown in family values, and s host of cther "explanstions"”
hhave been put forward by liberal and conservative sociologist and others
4 by the state to whitewash the true causes. Yot none of these revealed
inst the Capitalist system and colonial rule, even though the social
sclentists “warned” of the possibility of a new outbreak of violence.
Once agnin in tke Spring, 1992, we saw m massive revoll in Los Angeles, whove
immediate causes were related to the outrageous neguittn! of { Angeles policemen
ho had hratally beaten Rodney King. But there ngnin this was just an immedint
cause acting as a trigger; this revolt was not x sympathy revolt om behalf of Rodney
King persumily. The enuse of this rebelion was widespread social inequality in the
Capitalist system and police terrorism. This time the rebellion apread to 40 cities and
four foreign countries. And it was rot Just a so-called “race riot,” bat rather a class
revolt that included a Inrge number of Latinos. whites and even Asians, Rut it was
undeniably a revolt for racial injustice first and foremost, even if It was not just
directed against white people ix gencral but the Capitalist system nnd the rich, 1 wns
‘not limited to just even the inner city In the Las Angeles ares but spread even to white

Page 40

spper crust areas in Leotlywood, Ventura, and beyond This was the Degianing stage of
class warfare,
{Fan underground snilitary force existed or a militia was assembled, it could have
catered the filed of battle with more wenponry and advanced tactics. As it was the
gangs played that rele, and played it very well. Their participation is why it took so
long to put the rebelion down, bur even tey could not prevent the reestablishment of
waite power in South Central Los Angeles. Not Just because of being militarily out
Gunned, but because they had no revolutionary political program despite all theit
retorie of having been radicalized Alsa tHe state came down extromely hard on the
‘rebels. Over 20,000 persons were jailed, 50 were killed and hundreds wounded.
Could liberated zone have been won, ao that dual power could have been
established? That possibility existed and still does exist if the people are properly
armed and educatec Mass resistance with heavy military weaponry may have wen,
serious concessions, one of which is to pull back the cops. We don’t linow that, this is
Purely speculation. We do know that this is not the last rebellion in LA, and other
They may come much quicker now that the genie of urban revolution of the bag,
We can only hope and prepare. ONWARD TO TE BLACK REVOLUTION!

Anarchism and the Black Revolution — Part Three

ANARCHIST THEORY AND PRACTICE

‘The major aim of this chapter isto list the major elements of Anarchist thought and
to give examples of what some Anarchists think about them. Unlike other streams of
Political drought, Anarchists do not elevate certain texts or individuals above others.
‘There are different types of Anarchists with many points of disegreement. The
Primary areas of debute among Anarckists relate to what form of organization should
be struggled for and what tactics we should use. For instance, some of thelr most
significant differences concern the economic argauization of future society. Some
Aoarchiats reject money, and substitute a system of trade in which work is exchanged
for govds aad services. Others reject all forms of trade or barter or private ownership
448 Capitalism, nnd feel that al major property should be owned in common
‘There are Anarchists who believe in guerrilia warfare, including assassination,
bombings, bank expropriations, ete., 28 one means of revolutionary attacks on the
Sate. Dut there also are Anarchists who believe almost exclusively in organization
labor or community work. There is no single type, nor do they all
and {uctics. Some are opposed to violence; some accept it only
during revolutionary ineuresetio:

‘Anarchists and Anarchism have historically been misrepresented to the world, The
Popular impression of an Anarchist as an uncontrollably emotional, violent person
Who is onty interested in destruction for its own sake, and who is opposed to all forms
of organization, still persists to this day. Further, the mistaken belif that Anarchy is
chaos snd confusion, a reign of rape, murder and misdless-otal dlsorder and insanity

agai

Political spectrum have consciously bean promoting this lie for years. All who strive
{0 oppress and exploit the working class, and gain power far themselves, whether
they come from the right or the leit, will always be threatened by Anarchism, This is
because Anarchists hold that all authority and coercion must he struggled agains. In
fact, Anarchists wai to get rid ofthe greatest perpetrator of violence throughout

Page 41

history: governments. To Anarchists, a Capitalist "democratic" government is no
better than 2 faselst or Communist regime, because the rating class only differs In the
amount of violencs they authorize their police and army to use and the degree of
Fights they will allow, if any. Through war, police repression, social neglect, and
political repression. Gevernments have killed millions of persons, whether trying to
defend or overthrow a government. Anarchists want to end this slaughter, and build n
soclety bated on pence and freedom.

‘What is Ansrchism? Anarchism is free or Libertarian Socialism. Anarchists are
‘oppesed to government, the state and Capitaliom. Therefure, simply speaking,
Anarchism isa government form of Socialism.

An common with all Socialists, the Anarchists hold that the private ownership of land,
capital and machinery has hnd its time; tha it s condemned to disappear, snd that all
requisites for production must and will, become the common property of society, and
bbe managed tn common by the producors of wealth Peter Krepothin, in his Anarcbisl-
‘Communism: Its Basis and Principles.

‘Though there are several different “sctools" of Anarchist though, revolutionary
‘Anarchist or Anarchisi-Commuism is based upon the sinks struggle, but it does not
taken mechanist view of the class struggle taken by the Mast-Leninists. For instance,
it does not take the view that only the Industrin! proletariat exn achieve Socialism,
‘and thatthe victory of this clas, led by « "communist working class party" represent
the final victory ever.Capitalism. Nor de we accept the iden of x “worker's state”
Anarchists believe that only the penssnts, workers and farmers cin liberate
themselves and that they should manage industrial and economic production through
workers’ councils, faclory commitiers, and furm cooperatives, mmther then with the
interference ofa patty or government

Ansrchists are social revolutionaries, an feel that the Social revelution is the process
through whlch a free society wil be created. Self-manegensent will he established in
all areas of social life, including the right of all opprested ress of people to seif-
determination, As I have stated, alf-determination isthe right to self-government, By
‘thelr own initiative, individuals will implement their own management of social life
‘through voluntary associations. They will refuse to surrender their self-direction to
the State, political parties, vanguard sects since exch of these merely nid in
establishing or reestablishing domination. Anarchists believe the state and capitalist
authority will be abotished by the means of direct nction-wildeat strikes, slowdowns.
‘boycotts, sabotage, and armed insurrection, We recognire oor gosls cannot be
separated from the means used to achleve them. Hence our practice and the
associations we create will reflect the soclety we setk.

racial attention will necessarily be paid to the area of economic organization, since
it is here that the interests of everyone converge, Under Capitalism we afl have to sell
our laber to survive and to feed our families and ourselves. But afler an Anarchist
social revolution, the wage syst he institution of private and state property
will be abolished and replaced with the production and distribution of goods
according to the communist principle of: "From ench according to ability, to exch
according to need." Voluntary associations of producers nnd consumers will take
common postession of the means of prodaction and allow the free use of all resources,
to any volutary group, provided that euch ure doer not deprive others or does 20%
entall the use of wage labor, These associations could be food and housing
cooperatives, cooperative factories, community-run schools, hospitals, recreation
facilites, and other important socia! services. These associntions will federate with
‘each other te facilitate their common goals on both territorial and functional hasis

Page 42

Possibly mest the diverse needs of society, while stil promoting s0
widest scale, is one that alldws people to freely associate on the basleof commen acedy
ang interests. Federalism emphasizes autonomy snd decsntralization, fosters
fldarity and complements groups efforts te be as self-suffclent as postbla, Groups
Gan then be expected to cooperate as long as they derive mutual benefit. Contrary fo
the Capitalis: legal system and its contracts, if such benefits are not felt fo be tutes
in an Anarchist society, any group will have’
4 flexible and self-regulating social organism ready to meet
en ings bY mew organisations and adjustments. Federallzm it not a type of
Anarchism, but it is am estentil part of Anarchism, It isthe joining of groupe and
Peoples for political acd economfe survival and livelihood. Sz
Anarchists have an enormous job ahead of them, and they must be able % Sock
‘ogether for the benefit of the idea The Italian Anarchist Errico Malatesta said it best
when he wrote:

“Oar task is that of pushing the “people "to demand and to sete all the freedom they
cau ta make themselves responsible for their own needs witheut waiting for orders from
any kind of authori. Out sask is that of demonstrating the ictalessness cad
harpuiness of the geverument, or provoking and encouraging by propaganda and
ction al kinds of individual and collective Inddative. "=. “After the Fevelution,
dnarchists will have @ special mission of being the vigilant custodians of freedom,
against the aspirants to power avd possible pranny of the majority.

Quoted in bfalatesta: his Ufe and times, ed by Vernon Richaris

So, this is the job of the federatio
Fevaluti

Tod modern indevendent society, the process of federation must be extended to all
humanity. The network of voluntary associations -the Commune: wil keow oe
erases could be the size ofthe city, state or ation o a society natch larger then
the ration-state under Cupitaliem,
{iLike world's peoples in a number of continental Anarchist federations, say North
Nauist Africa, or che Carlbbean. Fruly this would be a aew world! Not » United
Nations or "One World goverument,” but a united humanity,
ut our opposition is formidableeach of us has been taught to believe in the need for
the absolute necessity of experts, in taking orders, in authority —— for
ome of us its all new. But when we beleve in ourselves and decide we ean alone
‘ociety based on eee, caring individuals, thet tendency within us vill become the
conscious choice of freedom-loving people. Anarchists cee their job os strengthening
Tinceendeney, and show that there is wo demccracy or freecom ander goversment =
Ty are petit Unie States, Chinn or Basis. Anarchists Believe in drertSemacracy
by the people as the only kind of freedom and self-rule,

TYPES OF ANARCHISTS

fitters achiss san't be expected to agree on everything, Hletrically ‘thete
‘differences have led to distinet tendencies in Awarchist theory aud practices

Individualist Anaxchists hope fora fuiure society in which free

Page 43

{individuals do thelr duty and share resources "according to the dletates of ahstenct
Justice” Guneraliy speaking, individualats are mere philosophers rather than

revolutlonery activists, They are civil libertarians who want to reform the system to
‘make it work ‘iairly." They were prevalent in the pest century, but are still scen in

“counter-caltural" Anarchist formations, middle class philosophers, or right-wing
Libertarians,

Mutualiats are Ancrchists associated with the idens of 19th century Anarchist
philosopher, Plerre-Joseph Proudhon, who based his future ecenomy on".
of Individasls and amelt groups poressing (but not owning) thelr

production, and bound by contracts of mutual exchange ard mutual credit (instend of
monos) which would insure to each Individual the product of is own Inbor. This type
of Anarchism appears when Individualists being to put their ideas m practice, and
‘merely wish to reform Capitalism and make it “cooperative.” This Is also where the
right wing Libertarians and sdvocates of a minimized role for the state get the id
Marx attacked Proudhen as an "idealist" and **utopinn philosopher" for the
‘Anarchist concept of Mutual Aid,

Collectivists are Anarchists based directly on the ideas of Michnel Bakunin,
the Russian Anarchist, the best-known advocate to the general public of Anarchist
theory, Bakunls's collectivist form of Anarchism replaced I'roudhon’s insistence on
individual possession with the idea of Socielist possession by voluntary institutions,
and the right to the enjoyment of the individual product of hivher labor or its
equivalent still assured to the indlvidnl worker. This type of Anarchism involves
direct threat tothe class system and the Capitalist stnte, and isthe view that society
can only be reconstructed when the working elu seizes control ofthe economy bY &
social revolution, destroys the State apparatus, and reorganizes production on the
basis of common ownership and contro! by associations of working people. This farm
of Anarchism is Ideologically the basis of Anarchisi-Syndicaliem, o revolutionary
labor unionism.

Amarcho-Syndicalists sre Anarchists who are active in the Ibor and
‘working class movements, Aunrchist-Syndieaiism is n farm of Anarchism for clase-
‘consclous workers and peasants, for mliltants and activists in the Inbor movement, for
oertacian Socialists who want equality as wall as Uberty. As pointed out, this
philosophy is based hesvily an the ideas of Bakusin, though its organizing techniques
stom from the French and Spansh CNT trade union movements (called
"Syndlentes"), where Anarchists were henvily involved. This is the type of Anarchism
that influenced the [WW in North America and which expresses the view that the
Capitalist state must be toppled by a revolutionary form of economic warfare called
the General Strike, and thet the economy must be reorganized and based on
Industial unors, whieh would be under the counsel of the working clas. All political
matters would be handled by either an Industrial Union Congress, while workplace
matters would go to a factory committee elected by the workers themselves and
tunder thelr direct control. This type of Anarchism has gront potential far erganiring
an Anarchist working class movement in North Americs, if it raises contemporary
‘neues like the shortened workoverk, factory councils, the current depression a8
{ight back agninst the bcsses' offensive of the Inst 20 yenrs aguinst the working class
‘world wide.

Anarchist.Cararnumists are revolutionary Anarchists who believe in the
philosophy of class strugele, an end to Capitelism, and all farms of eppressic

Page 44

Contrary to Anurchist-Syndicatism it does not limit itself to workplace organizing.
The philosophy is based on the theories of Peter Kropotkin, another Russian
Anarchist. Kropotkin and, his fellow Anarchist-Communists not only envisaged the
commune and workers! councils as the, proper guardians of production; they als
ticked the wage system in all its forms, and revived the ideas of Libertarian
communism. This type of Acarehism {s Known as Libertarian Socialism also, and
includes Mast Socialists who are also oppesed to the State, dictatorship, and party
rule, though they are not Anarchists. so
Siace the 1870s the principles of Anarchist Commusiam have been accepted by most
Anarchist organizations favoring revélution This Anarchist or Libertarian
Communism must, of course, not be confused with much better known communism of
‘the Marxist-Leninits, the communism waich is based on state ownership of the
‘economy, and control of the both production and distribution, amd also on party
dictatorship. That form of authoritarian communist eoclety ie based on oppressi
and slavery to the favor a free, voluntary communism of shared
resources. Libercari is mot Bolshevism and tas no connection with or
‘support for Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky or Mao Tse Tung. It is not state or private contral
over the estentials of life we seek, and we oppose all forms of dictatorship. Anarchist
‘comntenists seek to foster the growth ef a now sociaty in which fresdom to develop as
‘one see ¢ is integrated to the fullest extent with social responsibility to others,

are a new tendency in the Anarchist movement This tendency
‘arose in the mid- 1980s in Germany and later spread to other countries in Rerope and
North America. Students, intellectuals, and disaffected workers made up this
tendency originally, but there am also Anarchists who call themselves Autoromists to
imply they are not linked with a federation, or are not dactrinaire or a purist. Like
Liberating Socialis, they seem te draw their ideology from both Marxism and 201
schist philosophy like Auarchist Communism, but they teud to be more
i very meticulous about explaining thelr different identity,
clusion, thi is one way to ist the different tendencies in Anarchist thought and
ise. There may be many other ways to do it and describe the historical
Aevelopment of each tendency. That may be beyond the scope of this pamphlet But
most Anarchists would agree on thase general statectents Anarchists hope for,
construct theories about, and act to promote the abolition of government, the State,
and the principle of authority thut 1s central 1o contemporary social forms, and to
replace them with a social organization based on voluntary esoperation between free
individuals. Ati Anarchist tendencies, except the Individualists (and to some extent,
ists), sen this future society bas work of mutual aid
is, workers' and tonsumers collectives, communes, and other voluntary
lances, organlzed Into regional units and other aon-suthoritarian federations far
the purpese of sharing ideas, information technical skills and large scale
technological, cultural and reereational resources, All Anarchists believe ia freedom
from Iwunger and want and are against all forms of class, sexual and racial
oppression, us well as all political manipulation by the State.
‘The philosophy is an evolving ideal in which many individuals and social movements
have influence. Fewinisma, Black Liberation, Gay rights, the ecology movement and
‘thers, are all additions to the awareness of the philosophy of Anarchism,
influence has helped in the advancement of the ideal of Anarchi
aodern society. These influences ensure that the Social revolution we all anticipate
‘ill be as alt encompassing and democratic as all, and that all will be Fully liberated,
not just affluent straight, white males.

Page

ANARCHIST VERSUS MARXIST-LENINIST 5/
THOUGHT ON ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY
Historically, there have been three major forms of socialism: Libertarian Socialism
(Anarehlom), Authoritarian Socialiom (Marxist Communism), and Demoerttic
Socialism (electoral social democracy). The non-Anarchist left has echoed the
bourgeoisl's portrayal of Anarchism as an ideology of chaos and Junacy. But
‘Anarchiom and vopectally Anarchiat-Commantara hat nothing in common with this

‘nage It is faloe and made up by its ideclogical opponents, the Marxist-Leninists.

1 ts very diteult for the Marxist-Leninists to make an objective eriticism of
Anarchism as such, because by its nature it undermines all the suppositions basic to
Narxtm. If Marxism and Leninism, its variant which emerged during the Russian
revolution, i held out to be the working class philosophy and the protetariat cannot
‘owe [ts emancipation to anyone but itself, itis hard t» go back on it and say that the
‘working elas isnot yet ready fo dispense with authority over t. Lenin came up with
the idea of a transitional State, which would "wither away" over time, to go along
with Marx's "detatorsbip of the proletariat." The Anarchists expose this line as
counter- revolutionary and sheor power grabbing. Over 75 yenrs of Marxist Leninist
practice hes proven us right. These so-called "Socialist States” produced by Marxist-
Leninist doctrive have only produced Stallnst police states where workers have no
rights, a new raling class of technocrats and party politicians have emerged, and the
dass differential between those the state favored over those it didn't crested
‘widespread deprivation among the masses snd smother clase stroggle. But instead of
‘meeting such criticisms head an, they have concentrated their altacks not on the
doctrine of Anarchism, but on particular Anarchist historkal figures, expecially
Bakuain, an ideological opponent of Marx in the First International of Socialist
movements inthe last century.

‘Anarchists are social revolutionaries, who seck n stateless, classless, voluntary,
cooperative federation of decentralized communes-based upon socisl ownership,
{individual liberty and aulonomous self-management of social and economic life.

‘The Anarchists differ with the Marxists-Leninists in many areas, but especially i
rganication building. They differ from the authoritarinn socialists in primarily three
ways: they reject the Marxist-Leninist notions of the "vanguard party,” "democratic
tentraliom,” and the "dictatorship of the proletariat,” and Anarchists have
slteroativeo to ench of then. The problem is that almeat the entire lett, including same
Anarchists, Is completely uneware of Anarchism’s tangible structural alternatives of
the Catalyst, Group, Anarchist Consensus, and the Mass Commune.

‘The Anarchist alternative to the vanguard party is the catalyst group. The catalyst
‘troup is merely an Ansrchist-Communist federation of affinity groups in action. This
Catalyst group or revolnttonary anarehlot federation would mect om a regular basis
or only when there was 2 necessity, depending on the wishes of the membership and
‘he urgency of social conditions. It would bé made up of representatives from o- the
alfinity group Itself, with full voting rights, privileges, and responsibilities. It would
tet both policies and future kctioos to be-performed. It will produce both Anacthist-
Communist theory and social practice! Wt bellever im the clase struggle and: the
Aeceatlty fo everthrow Capitalist rule. It organizes in the communities and
workplaces. It is democratic and has no authority figures like m party boss er central
committee,

In order to make 2 revolution large-sesle, coordinated movements are necessary, and
thei formation is inno way counter to Anarchiam What Anarchists are oppored to ie

hierarchical, power-trippi

which suppresses the creative urge of the
balk of those involved, and foress an agenda doven their throats, Members of such
roups are mere servants and worshippers of the party leadership. But although
Anarchists reject this type of domineering leadership, they do recognize that some
people are moro experisaced articulate, or skiied than others, and these people will
Play leadership action roles. These persons are not authority figures, and can be
Femoved at the will of the body. There is also a conscious attempt to routinely rotate
this etsponsibility and to pass on these skills to eack ather, especially to women and
people of color, who would ordinarily not get the chance. The experiences of these
1ersons, who are usually veteran activiats or better qualified than moat wt the moment
can lielp form and drive forward movements, and even help crystallize the potential
for revolutionary change in the popular movement. What they canoot do is take over
the initiative of the movemeat itself. The members ofthese groups reject hierarchical
rositiens-unybody having more ‘official" authority than others-and ualike the M-L
vanguard parties, the Anarchist groups wen't be allowed te perpetuate th
leadership through a dictatorship after the revolution. Instead, the catalyst group
Atselt will be dissolved und its members, when they are ready, will be absorbed into
the new society's collective decision-making process Therefore these Anarchists are
not leaders, but merely advisors and organizers for a mass movement Sz
What we don't want or need is a group of authoritariaus leading the working class,
and then establishing themselves as a centralized decision-making command, instead
of “withering away"; Marxist-Leninist states have perpetuated authoritarian
institutions (the secret police, labor bosses, and the communist party) to maintain
their power. The apparent effectiveness of such organizations (we 're just as efficient
as the Capitalists) mass the way that "revolutionaries" who pattern themselves after
‘Capitalist institutions become absorbed by bourgeois values, and completely isolated
from the reat needs and desires of ordinary people.

‘The reluctance of Marxist-Leninists to accept to accept revolutionary social change i,
however, above all seen in Lenin's conception of the party. It isa prescription to just
nakedly stize power and put it in the hands of the Communist Party. The party that
Leninists creste today, they believe, should become the (only) “Party of the
Proletariat” in which that class could orgenize and selze power. In practice, however,
‘his meant personal and party dictatorship, which they felt gave them the right and
duty to wipe out al! other parties and politcal ideolegics. Both Leain and Stalin killed
nillions of workers and peasants, their left-wing Ideclogieal op
members of the Bolshevik party. This bloody and treacherous history is why them is
so much rivalry and hostility between Marxist-Leninist and Trotkyite parties today,
and itis why the "workers states,” whether in Cuba, Chins, Vietnam, or Korea are
such oppressive bureaucracies over their people. It is also why mest of the Kast
European Stalinist countries had their government overthrown by the petty
bourgeois and ordinary citizens in the 1980s, Maybe we are witnessing the eclipse of
State communism entirely, since they have nothing new ta say and will never get
those goveroments-back again.

While Anarchist groups retch decisions through Anarchist consensus, the Marxist-
Leninists organize (hrengh so-called democratic centraliem. Demosretic ceatralism
poses.as a form of inner party democracy, but is really just ahierarchy by which each
ember of a party-ultimately of a societyis suburuinate to a “higher” member until
one reaches the all-powerfel party central ceramittee and its Chairman, This is a
totally undemocratic procedure, which puts the leadership above crticiam, even if it
is t ubove reproach, It isa bankrapt, corrupt method of intoraal operations for «

Page 47

polities! organisation. You have no volet in such a party, and must be nftaid to sty
‘any uifattering comitnents tor about the lenders. £3
In Anarchist greups, proposels are talked. out by menibers (none of wham has
authority over another), dissenting minorities are respected, and exch individual's
paiticipstion is voluntary. Everyonehas the right to agree or disagree over policy and
‘etlons, and everyone's Ideas are given equal weight and consideration. No decision
‘ndy be made until ench individual mesnber or affiinted group that will be affected by
‘that decision has had a chance to express thelr opinion on the issue. Individual
members and affiliated groups shall retsin the option to refuse support to epecitie
federation sctvities, but may not actively obstruct such activities. In true democratic
fachion, decltons for the federation as x whole must be made by x majority of its
members,

Jn most cases, there is no real need for formal meetings for the making of decisions,
What is needed fs coordination of the actions of the group. Of course, there are timer
when a deciion has to be made, ard sometimes very quickly. This will be rare, but
sometimes ite unavoidable. The consenses, in that cate, would {hen taive to be nmong
1 much smiller circle than the general membership of hundreds or thousands. But
ordinary al that is needed san exchange of information and trast among parties,
‘and a decision reaffirming the original decision will be reached, if an emergency
decision had to be made. Of course, during the discussion, here will be an endeavor
to clarity ary major differences and explore alternative courses of action. And there
‘wil be'an attempt fo arrive at « mutually agreed upon consensus between confticting
‘views As always, i there shoulé be an impasse or dissatisfaction with the consensus, a
vote would be taken and with 4 2/3 majority, the matter would be accepted, rejected
orreselnded

This ls all totally contrary to the practice of Marxist-Laninist parties where the
Central Committee unliaterally sets policy for the entire organization, and arbitrary
authority reigns, Anarchists reject centratlzstion of authority and the concept of 2
Central Committee. All groups are fret.associations formed out of committees not
revolutionaries disciplined by fear of authority. When the size of the work-groups
(rrhich could be fanned around Labor, fundraising, anit-rscism, women's right, ford
and housing, et) becomes cumbersome, the organizations ean be decentralized into
‘ovo oF several more mutonomeus organizatlens, stil united tm one inrge federation.
‘This enables the group to expand limitlssly while maintahning its anarchic form of
decentralized self-management. It i sort of like the scientific theory of a biclogical
cel, dividing and redividing, bet ins political sense.

However, Anarchist groups aren't even necessarily organized loosely; Anarchism is
flerible and structure ear be practically nonexistent or very ght, depending upon
‘the type of organization demanded by the social conditions being fneed. Yor instance,
‘organtaation would tighten during military operations or heightened political
repression.

Anarchlat-Communists reject the Marxist-Leninist concept of the "dictatorship of the
proletariat” and 2 so-called "workers? site,” In favor of the muss commune. Unlike
members of Leninist parties, whose daily lives are generally similar to present
bourgeois Mestyles, Anarchist organtzatlonal structures and lifstyles, through
‘communal living arrangenients, urban tribes, affinity groups, squatting, etc, attempt
to reflect the Liberated society of the future. Anarchists built all kinds of communes
‘and collective during the Spanish Revolution of the 1930s, but were crushed by the
fasciats and the Communists. Since the Marxist-Leninists don't build cooperative
structures, the mucteus ofthe new soclety, they can only see the world in bourgeois

Page 48

political terms. ‘They want to just seize State power and institute their owa
Gictatorship over the people and the workers, instead of crushiag Siate power nd
replacing it with a free, cooperative seciety. sy
Ox course, the pariy, they'lasist, represents the proletariat, and there is no asad for
hems to organize themselves outside cf the party: Vat even in the former Soviet Union
Thin pmmunist Party membership only represented fire percent of the population,
This is elitism of the worst srt and even makes the Capitalist parties look cereos a,
by ‘comparisor. What the Communist Party was intended 10 represent in teree uf
Topkere Power is wever made clear, bul in true 1984 "doublethiak" fashion, the
Tesults are 75 years of political repression and Stata slavery, lastead of an ata at
{Blorious Communist rule." They must be held accountable goliteally for these
Sims against the people, and revolutionary pelitical theory and practice: They have
slandered the names of Socialism and Communism,
Pie reiset the dictatorship of the proletariat, It is unbridled oppression, and the
Marxist- Loninists and Stalinists must be made to answer far it Milline save boca
‘murdered by Stalin in the name of fighting an internal class war, and millions more
CEre,murered in China Poland, Afghanistan Cambodia, and other countries by
Communist movements which folowed Stalin's presription for revolulionary tereee
Tre reieet State communism as the worst aberration and tyraany. We cau do belter
than this with the mass commune,

hist mass commune (sometimes also called a Workers Council although
Some differences) is a national continental or transnational federation of
feonamic and political cooperatives and regional communal formations. Anarshists
Teak (2 & world and a society im which real decision-making invelvea everyone wha
Ives jn it~ @ mass commune — not afew discipline freaks piling the strings ins oe,
Suet grelelarin dictatorsnip.” Any and all dictatorship ts bad it bes no deeming
social features, yet thut is what the Loniniste fell us will protect us trace
sramaer wolution. While Marxist-Leninists claim that tha dictatorship ls necessary
Torder te crash any bourgeois cuunterrevolutions Jed by the Capitalist elas ay.
right- wing reactionaries, Anarchists feel that this ia itself part of the Stalin’ school
of iabineation. A centralized apparatus, sich ot a state, is much easier target for
ckponents of the revolution than is an array of decentralized communes, Aud these
seroma vould remaia armed and prepared to dafend the revolution against
anyone who militarily moves against il, The key is to mobilize the people into dence
guards, militias und other military preparedness units,
‘its Position by the Leninists of the necesity for a dictatorship t protect the
Fevolution was not proven in the Civil War which followed the Russian revelations 1

any dictatorship, it tuned around and wiped out the Russian and Ulecieion
Gasrchist wovemenss, along with their left-wing opponeats lke the Menshevike and
Social revolutionaries, Even idealogeal epponeais in the Bolshevik party: vere
imprisoned and put to death. Lesin and Trotsky kiled millions of Russian sitters
Sut alter the Civil War, when they were consolidating State power, which preceded
Stalin's bloody rule. The lesson is that we should nat he tricked inte surrendering oe
grassroots peopl's power to dictators who pose as our friends or leaders

Prat teed the Marxist-Leninist! solutions they art dangerous and deluding.
chalce as athee WAY, Dut, tao much of the let and to many ordinary poople, the
hal las appeared to be Anarchic “chase” or the Maoist “Communist” parties,
however dogmatic ued dictatorial. Thisis puitarily thereat of msunderstansing

Page 49

and propaganda. But Anarchism as an ideology provides fensible organizations!
struitures, aa well as valld alternative revolutionary theory, which, If utilized could
be the basta for orgattzation just as solid as the Mirxtst-Leainists (or even more 30)
Only these orgenkastons will be egalitarien and really for the benefit of people,
rather than for the Communit lenders. ss
‘Anarebiam is not confined fo the Ideas of single theoretician, and it allows
Individual creativity to develop In collective growpings, Instead of the characteriatic
ogutatism of the Marxst- Leninsts. Therefore, not being coltist, it encournges =
great deal of innovation and experimentation, prompting its adherents to respond
Tealltiealy ta contemporary couditlons. It ls the concept of making ideology fit the
<eimands of iff, rather than trying to make life ft the demands of ideology.

‘Therefore Anarchists build organizations in order to build a new world, ot to
perpetuate our domination over the masses of people. We mild build sm organized,
‘coordinated international movement simed at transforming the gobe tnto a mass
commune. Such would really be a great overlesp In human evolution and a gigantic
ravolutionary sire, It would change the world as we know it and end the special
‘problems long plaguing lnmaaking. It would be a nev era of freedom and fulfillment.
LETS GET ON WITH IT, WE'VE GOT A WORLD TO FIN!

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ANARCHIST-
COMMUNISM

Since Anarehist-Communism is currently stil the most important and widely
sccepted form of Anarchism mote needs to be suid about this dynamic revolution
doctrine.
‘Anarchlst-Conmmnunism is based on 2 conception of society thet harmoniously unites
individual self-interest and seclal well-being. Although Anarchist-Communists agree
‘with Marx and many Marxlst-Leniatats that Capltallem must be abolished becnuse of
ita crisis-idden nature (here we reject the false term “anarchy of production”) and
its exploitation of the working class, they Jo not believe Capitalism is an
indispenseble, progressive precondition for the transition to x socially benesilal
econémy. Nor do they believe that the centralized economic planning of State
Socialism can provide for the wide diversity of needs or desires. They reject the very

of the need for a State or that it will just “ wither way” of its own accord or 8
party'te “boss over” the workers oF "stage manage” the revolution, In shert, while
accepting tenets of his economic critique of Capitalism, they do not worship Karl
Marz. as am infallible leader whese Ideas can never be critiqued or revised, a» the
Marzist-Leniniats do; and Ansrchist-Communiam isnot based on Marsist theory,
These Anarchists believe the “personal is political, and the politcal fs personal,”
menting that one cannet divorce one's political life from one's porsoral life. We
riot play buresucratte political roles, and then have w separate life as another soci
belt entirely. Anarchist-Communlsts recognize that people act capable of
doterviining thelr own needs and of making the necessary arrangements to satisfy
tose needs, provided that they have free access te socinl resources. It is always *
polites! decision whetrer thors resouress are to be fredy provided to lly
‘Anarchist-Coromunists belleve in the credo of "from each according to (their) means,
to each according to their needs." This assures that all will be fec, clothed, a
‘housed as normal selal practice, nt 2s demeaning welfare or that certain classes will
be better provided for than ethers.
When not deformed by corrupt social institutions and practices, the interdependence
and solidarity of haman beings results in individuals whe arereaponsible both for

Pay

‘themselves and to the society that makes their-well being and cultural development
possible. Therefore, we seek,to replace the State and Capitalism with network of
Voluntary alliances embrachig a of social lif-producton, consumption, health,
culture, recreation, and other areas To this way all groups and associations reap the
benefits of unity while expanding the range of their freedom Anarchists belleve in
fres association and federating groups of collectives, workers’ coumells, food and
housing cooperatives, political collectives, with others ofall types, S|
Asa practical matter, Anarchist-Commusisis belove that we should star‘ to baiitbe
new society mow, as well us fight to eresh the old Capitalist am, They wish to create
non- authoritariaw mutual ald organizations (for food, clothing, housing, funding for
community projects and others), neighborhood asiembiies and cooperatives nat
affiliated with either governsment dr business corporations, and not run far profi, but
for social need Such organizations, if built now, will provide theie members with =
practical experience in self-management and self-sufficiency, and will decrease the
dependency of people bn welfare agencies and employers. In short, we can begin now
(o build the infrastructure far the communal society 40 that people ean ste what they
are fighting for, not just the ideas in someone's head. Thatis the real way to freedom

CAPITALISM, THE STATE AND PRIVATE
PROPERTY

‘The existence of the Stute and Cupitalism a rationalized by their apologlits as being a
“necessury evil" due to the alleged inability of the greater part of the gopulatiox to-
run their own affairt and those of society, as wall at bolag their protection againat
crime and violence. Anarchists realize that quite to the contrary, the principal
barriors to a fee socicty are Stats and the institution of private property. Itis the
‘State which causes war, police repression, and other forms of violence, and it is
brivate property-the lack of equal distribution of major social wealth-which causes
crime and deprivation,

Hut what isthe State? ‘The State is a politcal abstractioa, « hierarchical institution by
which « privileged elite strives to dowimate the vast majority of people. The State's
mechunisms include a group of institutions containing legislative assemblies, the eivil
service bureaucracy, the military and police forces, the judiciary and prisoas, and the
subcentral State apparatus, The government is the administrative yehicl to run the
State. (Phe purpose of this specific set of institutions which are the expressions of
authority in enpitalist sociaties (and so-called "Socialist states"), is the maintonanes
and extension of domination over tke eammen peaple by a privileged class, the rich in
Capitatit socisties, the so-called Communist party in State Secialist or Communist
societies like the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republica.

However, the State itself i always an elitist position structure between the rules and
the ruled order. order-takers,"and economic haves and have-nets. The
State's elite is uot just the rich and the super-rich, but also those persons who assume
State positions of authority. polticiens and juridical officials. Thus the State
bureaucracy itself, in terms ofits relation to idealogicel property, ean betomean elite
class in its own right This administrative elite class of the State is developed aot just
the through dispensing of privileges by the ecouowie elite, but as well by the
separation of private and publi life-the family unit and civil sacety respectively. end
hy the oppesition berween an individual femily and the larger society. It is shper
‘opportunist, brought on by Capitalist competition and alienation. It lt @ breeding
ground for agents of the State.

‘The existence of the State and « ruling classes, based on the exploitation and

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‘oppression of the working class mm inseparable. Domination and exploitation go
hhand-in-htnd and in fect t8is oppression is net possible without force and violent
‘authority, This i why Anarchist- Communists argue that aay attempt to use State
power ab means of estabitshing 8 free, egalitarian society can only be slf-defenting,
because the habits of commending and exploiting become ends in themselves. This
‘was proven with the Bolshevik in the Russian Revotution (1917-1921). The fact is that
offidals of the Communist” State accumulate polities! power much as the Capitalist
‘lass accumulates economic wealth, Those who govern form a distinct group whose
only interest isthe retention of political control by any means at their disposal. But
‘the institation of Capitalist property, moreover, permits n minority of the population
to contral and to regulate etcezs to, and the ute of all soctilly produced wealth and
natural resourees. You have to pay for the land, water, and the fresh air to some giant
utility company or real estate firm. S7
This controlling group may be s separate economic class or the State itself, but in
either case the institution of property Leads to set of social and economic relations;
Capitation, tn which a small sector of society reaps enormous berefits and privileges
at the expense of the ttboring minority. The Capitalist economy is bssed, not upon
fulfilling the needs of everyone, but on amassing profit for afew, Both Capitalism and
the State must be attacked and overthrown, not one or the other, or one then the
other, beeause the fall of either will not ensure the fall of both. Down with Capitalism
and the State!
[No doubt, some vorkers wit! mistnke what I am spesking of as a threst to their
ervonal accemulated property. No, Antrchists recognize the distinction between
personal possessions and major Capitalistic property. Capitalistic Property is that
‘hich hs as its basic characteristic and purpose the conmand of other people's labor
power became of its exchange value. The institstion of property conditions the
evelopment of «set of socal ard. economic relatons, which tas” estalisied
‘Capitalism, and this situation allows « small minority within society to reap enormous
‘benefits and privileges at the expense of the laboring minority, This is the classic
scenario of Capital exploiting Inbor.
‘Where tere is a high social division of labor and complex industrial organization,
money is necessary to perferm transuctions. It is not simply thal this money is legal
tender, and it is abed in piace of direct barter of goods. That Is not what ve art
Mmited to here: Capital fs money, but money as n process, which repreduces nnd
increases ts value. Capital arises only when the owner of the means of production
finds workers on the market as sellers of thelr own labor power. Capitalism
developed as the form of private property thnt shifted from the rural agriceltural
style to-the urban, factory style of Inbor. Capitalism centralize: the instruments of
production and brings individuals closely alongside of others in a disciplined work
force. Cepitelism is industrialized commodity production, which makes goods for
profit, nt for social nevds. This iss special distinction of capital snd eapital stone.
‘Wemay understand Cupitalism and.the basis of our observations, as Capital endowed
‘with will and consclousness, That is, as those people whe acquire capita, and function
as an elite, moneyed cass with enough national and political powrer to rule society.
Farther, that aceamulted capital is money, and with money they control the means
of production that is defied as the mill, mines, fretories, Iané, water, enerzy and
other mstaral resouress, and the rich know that this is thelr property. They don’t
under no illusions nbout "public property’.
‘An economy, stich as the one we have briefly sketched, is rot brsed on fulfilling the
needs of everyone in scelety, but insterd fs based on the accumutation of profits for

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$he few, who live in palatial luvury as a leisure class, while the workers live in either overty or one or two paychecks removed. You see, therefore, that doing away with overament nifies the,,bolition of monopoly snd personal ownership of the ‘eans of production and distribution sd ANARCHISM, VIOLENCE ‘AND AUTHORITY dne of the biggest lies about Anarchists is that they are mindless bomb throwers, wutthrowis, and assassins. People spread there lies for their ‘own reasons? tovernments, because they am afraid of being overthrown by Secial revelution; Marxist-Leniniste, because it isa competing ideology with a totally different concept Af social organization and revolutionary struggle; and the Church, because Anarchism does not believe in deities and its rationalism might sway workers away om superstition. It is true that these lies and propaganda are able to away many »eople primarily because they never hear the other side. Anarchists receive bad press ind suffer a ceapegoat of every politician, right orleft wing. Because a Social revolution is an Anarchist revolution, which ot only abolishes one “xploiting class for another, but all exploiters and the instrument of exploitation, the State, Because it is a revolution for people's power, instead of political powers because it abolishes both money and wage slavery; because Anarchists am for tolal Jemocracy and freedom instexd of pollticians to represent the masses in Parliament, Congress, or the Communist Party; because Anarchists are for workers’ sei. nanagement of industry, instead of government regulation; because Anarchists are ‘or full sexual, racial, cultural and intellectual divoreity, instead of sexual chauvinisu, sulteral repression, censorship, and racial oppression; lies have had to be told that the Anarchists are killers, rapists, robbers, mad bombers, unsavory elements, the Worst of the worst. Sut let's look at the real world and set who is cusing al this violence and repression of humax rights. The wholesale murder by standing armiee in world Was land Il, the pillage and tape of former colonial counties, military invasions or so-called "police operations" in Koren and Viotaum— all of these have been done by goveraments. It is govermment und statedclass rule, which is the source of all violeace. This includes all governments, The so-called "Communist" world is not communist and the "Eree" world is not free. Kast und West, Capitalism, private or state remsing an inhuman type of society where the vast majority is hossed at work, at heme, and in the community. Propaganda (news and literary), policcmen and soldier, prisons a Schools, traditional values and morality all serve to reinforce the power ofthe few and ‘o convince or correct the many into passive acceptance af a brutal degrading and \\erational systems. This is what Anarchists mean by authority being appraision, ad it is just such authoritarian rule which is at work in the United States of America, as well as the ‘Communist governments of Chica or Cubs. "What is the thing we call goverument? Is it anything but organized violence? The law orders you 40 obey, and If you don't obey, it will compel you by force — all governments, all law and authority nally resi anfarce ond violence, on puishouent or fear of panishment. Alexander Herkruan, it ARC of Anarchism There are revolutionaries, including many Anarchists, who advocate armed overthror of the eupitaise State, They do net advecate or practice mass murder, lke the governments of the'modera world with their stockpiles of nuclear bombs, poison Bas and chemical weapons, huge air forces, navies and arrales and who are hostile to another. It was not the Anarchisls whe provoked twa World Wars where over Page §3$

Understand that the more we succeed at our work, the mote dangerous will our
situation become, because we will then be recognized as a threat to the Siate. And,
take no mistake, the ingurrection is coming. An American Intifada that will
destabilize the state. So we art talking about a spontaneous, prolonged, rising of the
vast majority of the people, and the necessity to defeud our Social revolution.
Aithough we recognize the importance of defeasive paramiliary violence, and even
turban guerilia attacks, we do not depend upon war to achieve our liberation, or our
struggle cannot be won by the force of arms alone. No, the people must be armed
beforehand with understanding and agreedent of our objectives, x well as trust and
love of the revolution, and our military weapons are only an expression of our organic
spirit and solidarity. Perfect love for the peopie, perfect hats for the enemy. Ax the
Cubas revolutionary, Cie Guevara, suid: "When one falls, another must take (their)
place, and the rage of each death renews the reason for the fight" bo
‘The goveraments of the world commit much of their violence in repressing any
attempt to averthrow the State. Crimes of repression against the people have usually
benefited those in power, especially if the goverament is powerful Look what

sappeaed in the United States when the Black revolution of the 196Us was repressed.
Many protesting injustice were jailed, murdered, injured, or blacklisted all of which
was setup by the State's secret police ageacies. The movement wes beaten down for
decades as a result. So we cannet just depend on mass mobilisations alone, or just
‘engug: in underground offensives, if we want (0 defeat the state and its repression
‘some mid-place between the [wo must be found. Kor the future, our work will include
development of collective techniques of self-defense, as well as underground work
while we work towards social revolution.

ANARCHISTS AND REVOLUTIONARY
ORGANIZATION

Another lie about Anarchism is that they are nibilistic and don't believe in any
‘Organigational structure. Anarchists are not opposed to organization In fact
Anarchism is primarily concerned about analyzing the way in which society ie
Presently organized, e., government.

Anarchism is all about erganization, but it is about alternative forms of organization
fo whit sow exisis. Anarchism’'s opposition to authority leads to the view thal
‘organization should be non- hierarchical and that membership would be volustary,
Anarchist revolution Is 1 process of ergatization building and rebuilding. This does
“not mean the same thing as the Marxist-Leninist concept of "party building, which i
Jast about strengthening the role of party leaders and driving out those membert
those who have am independent position. These purges are methods of domination
‘that the IMLS use to beat all democracy out of their movements, yet they facctioasly
call this "democratic ceatralism'

‘What organization means within Anarchism is to organize the needs of the people
into won- authoritarian sacial organizations so thal they can (ake care of thelr own
business on an equal basis. I¢ also means the coming together of like-minded people
for the purpose of coordinating the work that bath groups. and individuals feel
necessary for their survival, well being, and livelihood. So because Ansrchism
involves people who would come together an the basis of mutual needs and interests
cooperation isu Key element A primary aim is that the individuals should speak for
themselves, and that all in the group be equally responsible far the group's decisions;
so leaders or bosses heret

Muny Anarchists would even envisage large scale organizational needain terms of

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aval otal groups organized inthe workplace, clletives, nelghborhoods, and other
areas, who would send delegates to larger committees who-would make decisions on
mnattera of wider concern, The job of delegate would not te fulltime; it would be
rottted, Although thelr out-of-pocket expenses would be pail, the delegate would be
‘unpald, recallable and would only velce the group's desisions, ‘The various setcots cf
‘Anarchiom, differ ‘In emphasis concerning erginization: For example, Anarcho-
Syadicalista streat the revolutionary labor union.and other workplace formations 38
the basie walt of organization, while the Anarchiit-Commomists reesgnize the
commune, as the highest form of soclal organization. Others may recognize other
formations as eaest important, but they all retognize snd support free, independent
“organizations of the people as the way forvard. él
‘The nucleus of Anarchist-Communtst organization i the AMTnity Group. The sfTinity
{group ls 2 revolutionary cirle or “call” of lends and comrades who are in tune with
‘each other both in ideology and as indiviuals. The affinity group exists to coordinate
the needs of the group, as expressed by individuals and by the cell as a body. Tre
‘group bocomes an extended faraily; the well being ofall becomes the responsibility of
all

"4utonomons, commanal, and directly democrat thé group combines revotutioncry
theory with revolutionary Ufesple in ts everyday behavior. It create: a free space in
which revobitonaries can remake theneselves tndlvidually, and aiso at sociat beings.”
— Murray Bookchin, in Port Scarcity Anarchism

‘Wo could also refer to these affinity formations as "groups for tiring revolution”
because they live the revolution nowt, even though otly ts aed form. Because cha
‘groups are small — Irom three to fifteen — they cain start from si stronger basis of
Selldarity than mere political strategy tlone. The groups would be the number ene
‘snus of political activity af exch member, There are four srens of involvement where
affinity groups work:

1. Mutual Aid: this means giving support
‘collective work and responsiblity,

2, Raducation: in addition to educating the society at-large to Anarchist ideals, this
includes study by members to advance the Ideology of the groups, as well as to
inerenss thelr political, economic, sientific and technical knowledge.

43, Action: this means the actual organizing, and political work of the group outside
‘the collective, where all members art expected to contrite,

4. Unity: the group i a form of family, a gathering of friends and comrades, people
‘who tare for the well-being of oxe another, who love and support each other, who
rive to live in the rpirit of cooperation aud fretdom; votd of distrust, jealousy, tte,
competition and other ferme of negative soclal ideas and behavior. In short, affinity
groups allow a collective to live a revolutionary lifestyle.

‘A big: advantage of alfinity groups 1s that they art highly resistant to polies
fnfitiratiod Beeanse the group members are so Intimate, the groups are very difficult
to infltrdie'ngents into therm, and even Ifa group is penetrated, there is no ‘central
ifice" which wosld give an agent information shout the movement as a whole. Each
call had 1 own polities, agenda, end objectives. Therefore he rrould have to infiltrate
hundreds, maybe thousands, of similar groups Further, slnee the mombers all know
tach other, he could not lead disruptions without risk of immediate exposure, whick
‘would blunt an operaticn lie the COINTELPRO wed by the FBI aprinst the Black
tnd progressive movements ring the 1960s, Further, because thereare no lenders in

solidarity between members, as well xs

Page se

the movement, there is no one to target and destroy the group.

Because they. can grow as biological cells grow, by division, they can proliferate
rapidly. There could be hundreds in oze large city or region. They prepare for the
emergence of x mass movement; they will argapiza large numbers of people ia order
to coordinate activities as their needs become apparent and as social conditions
dicite. Affinity groups function as u catalyst within the snass movement, pushing lt to
higher snd higher levels of resistance to the authorities, But they are ready-made for
unéerground work in the event of open politcal repression or mass tasurreeticn.
‘This leads us to the next level of Anarchist organizations, the area and regional
federation. Federations are the networks of affinity groups who come together out of
common needs, which include mutual aid edusation, action, and any other work
deemed to be netded for the transformetion of current society from the authoritarian
state o Anarchist-Communian ‘the following is an example of how Avarchist-
Communist federations could be structured. First, then is the area organization,
which could cover a large city or county. All like-minded affinity groups in the area
would associate themselves in 4 local federation. Agreements ox ideslogy, mutusl aid,
and action to be uadertaken would be made at meetings in which all can come and
have equal voice ou
‘When the local area orgunization reackes a size where it is deemed to be too big, the
area federation would initiate a Ccordinating Consensus Council. The purpose of the
‘Council ist» coordinate the nucds and actions defined hy all the groups, including the
possibility of splitting aad cresting another federation. Each local area's affinity
Group would be invited to send representatives fo the council with all the viewpoints
of their group, and ss a delegate they could vote and join m making poley an behalf
ofthe group ut the council.
Our next federation would be on a regional basis, say the entire South or Midwest
‘This organization would take ears of the whole region with the same principles of
consensus 1nd representation. Next would come a antlonal federation to cover the
US.A, and the continental federation, the latter of which would cover the continent of
North America. Last would be the global orgatizations, which would be the
networking of all federations worldwida. As for the latter hecause Anarchists do not
Fecognize tational borders and wish to replace the nation- slate, they thus federate
with all other like-minded people whorever they are living oa the planct sarth

Bat for Anarchism to really work, the needs of the people must be fullled. So the
first priority of Anarchists is the well being ofall; thus we must organize the menns to
fully snd equally fulfill the needs of the people. First, the means of production,
transportation, and distribution must be organized Into revolutionary organizations
that the workers snd the community run and control themselves. The second peierity,
fof the Anarchists is to deal with commanity need organizations, in addition to
industrial organizing. Whatever the community needs are, then they must be dealt
with. This means organization. It includes cooperative groups to fulfill such needs as
health, energy, jobs, chikdeare, housing, alfernative schocls, food, entertainment, and
ofher socis! ureus. Thess community groups would forma a cogperative community,
which would be a network of community needs orgenizations and serve wan
‘Anarchistic sociopolitical infrastructure. These groups should network with thase in
other aress for mutual aid eduestion, and action, and become a federation on &
regional scale.

“Third, Anarchists would have to deal with social illases. Not only do we organise for
the physical needs ofthe people, but must also work and propagandize to cure the ills
sprouted by the State, which has warped the human personality under Capttaltam,

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For instance, the oppression of women must be nddressed. No one can be free if 51%
of -oclety is oppressed, dominated and abused. Not only must we form an
‘organteation t deat withthe harmful effects of vextim, but work to ensure patrinrchy
is dead by ednenting soclety about its harmful effects -The same must be done with
rach, but in addition to reedueation of soctety, we work to alleinte the tocial and
econothle oppression of Black and other ndnwhite peoples, and empower them for
self-deteriination to lead free lives. Anarchists need to form groups.to expose and
combat raclal prejudice and Capitalist exploitation, and extend full support and
solidatity to the Black liberation movement. 63
Winsity, Anarchism would deal with a number of areas teo numerous to mention here
— selénee, tiehnotogy, ecology, disarmament, hurtan rights and so on. We must
harness the social sciences and make them serve the people, while we coexist with
nature, Autherltaiiaus foolily beticve that It is possttle to “conquer” nature, but
that isnot the Issue, We are just one of a number of species which inhsbit this planet
even if we are the most intelligent. But then other species have aot created nuclear
‘weapons, started wara where millions have been killed, or engaged in diserimsination
against the races of thelr sub-species, all of which humankind has done. So who is te
ny Which one is tho most "Intelligent?

WHY AM T AN ANARCHIST?

‘The Anarchist movement in North Amerien is overwhelmingly whits, middle class,
‘and for the most part, pacifist 90 the question arises: why am [a part of the Anarchist
movement, siace Lam none of those things? Well, although the movement may not
‘now be what think itshould be in North America, I visualize « mass movement that
‘wlll have hunreds of @rowsands, perhaps millions of Bleck, Hispanic and other non-
‘white workers int. It will not be an Anarchist movement that Black workers and the
other ofpressed will just "Join" — it will be an independent movement which has its
‘own social outlook, cultural imperative; and political agenda. It will be Anarchist st
its care, but it will lso extend Anarchism to 2 degree no previous European social or
cultural group ever haa dons Im certain that many of these worksra will believe, a2
1 do, that Ansrchim is the most democratic, effective, and radical way to obtain our
freedom, but that we must be free to cesign our own movements, whether it is
‘understood or "approved" by North American Anarchists or not. We must fight for
‘our freedom, no one else can free us, but they can help us.

L wrote the pamphlet to: (1) inapire = national anti-racist and anf-eop brutality
federatien, which would be Amarehist-iniinted or nt least be heavily participated in
by Anarchists; (2) crente 2 coalition between Amarchists tnd tevolutionary Black
organizations suck as the new Black Panther moversent of the 1990s; and (3) to spark.
new revolutionary ferment sad organizations in the African-American and other
oppressed communities, where Anarchiam is a curiosity, if that. I thought that if =
serious, respected Itbertarian revolutionary put these ideas forth they wou'd be more
Likely to be considered than just by « white Anarchist, no matter how well motivated.
I bdleve am correct about that, So here is why I am an Anarchist.

Tn the 1960s I was part of x number of Black revolutionary movements, including the
Black Panther Party, which T fool partially failed becavee of the authoritarian
leadership style of Huey P. Newton, Bobby Scale and others en the Central
‘Commities, This is not a recrimination against those individuals, but many errors
were made bectuse the national leadership was too divorced from the chapters in
cities all over the country, and therefore engaged in "commandism'" or forced work
dletated by lenders. But many contradictions were alto set up because of the structure

of the organization as a Marxist-Leninist group. There was not a lot of inner-party
dlemocracy, and when contradictions came up, it was the lenders whe decided on thelr
resolution, not the members Purges became commonplace, and many good people
were expelled from the group simply because Whey dissgreed with the leadership.
Because of the over-importance.of central leadership, the national organization was
ultimately Hiquidated eatirely, packed up and shipped back to Onldand, California. Of
course, muny errors were.made because the BPP wat a young orgenization and was
unger intense attack by the state. Ido not want to imply that the infernal errars were
the primary contradistious thet destroyed the DFP. The police attacks on it did that,
but if it were better and more democratically organized, it may haye weathered the
storm. So this Is no mindless criticism or backstabbing attack. loved the party. And,
anyway, not myself or anyone else who critique the party with hindsight, vill ever
take away from the tremendous talc that the BPP. played in the Black Liberation
movement of the 1960s. Dut wo mest Icok at a ful picture of out organizations from,
‘that period, so that we do not repeat the same errors, 4

£ ink my brief period in the Penthers was very important because it taught me
abut the limits of — and even the bankruptcy of — leadership in a revolutionary
movement. It was nota question of a personality defect on behalf of particular leader,
but rather 4 reslization chat many times leaders have one agenda, followers have.
ancther.

{also learned this Jesson during my association with the African People's Socialist
Party during the 1980s when I had gotten out af the joint I bad met Omali Yeshitela
while I was confined in Leavenworth (KS.) federal peo, when he was invited to our
anewal Dlacle Solidarity Bay festivities in 1979, This association continued When they
formed the Black prisoners’ organization, the African National Prison Organization
shortly thereafter. ANPO was definitely # good suppart organization, and aleng with
News and Letters Committees the Kentucky branch of the Natanal Alliance Against
Racism and Political Repression, and the Social revolutionary Anarchist Federation
(now defunct), they wrote letters and made phous calli to have me hospitalized after Y
hhad been infected with Tuberculosis, which saved my life. But the group folded when
‘he proposed coulition of founding orgaaizations collapsed due to sectarianism

After I got out of prison, I lost coutact with them as they had moved from Louisville
to the West Coast. It was not until 1987 that I euce again contacted them when we
were having a mass demonstration against police brutality ia my hometown. They
were invited and came to the demo, along with NAPO and several leftawing forces,
and for two years off and oa, had an association with them. But I fel APSE
politically was always an authoritarian organization, and evea though was never’ a
member, I beeame more and more uncomfortable with their organizational policies In
the Summer Of 1988, T went to Onklend, Culifornin to attend an “orgunizers!
school,” but I also wanted to sutisfy myself about the internal workings af the group.
or six weeks, I worked with them out of their natanal headquarters in the lecal
community. I was able to determine for myself about internal mattera and alia abort
the politics of the group itself. I found out that abeut.s whale history of purges,
factional fights, and the ‘one man" dictatorial lesderahip atyle of the Party. While in
Oakland, I was asked to attend « meeting in Philadelphia that Fall ta reestablish
ANPO.

1 attended the Philly mesting but was very concerned whex I was eutomatically
Placed as part of u “slate” to be officers of the ANPO group, without any reat
democratic discession among the propaced membership, or alleving others to put
‘themselves forward as potential candidates, [ was in fact made the highest-ranking

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‘offiser in the group. Although I still belleve that there should be a mass politica!
Prlooners’ movenelit whi ‘especially & Bleck prisoners’ movement, I became
‘convince thet this was not It I belles thet twill take's trig coalition af forces in the
‘Black and prifgreditve miovekients to build & niass bise Of support: got to feeling thit
(hese folks joot ranted to jth the parton is polities, rather then free prisoners,
and so I Just droped out snd Kiven't desit with them'sinice. wis very disillusioned
sand depressed when I earned the truth. 1 won't be used by tiybody — not for long.
‘The early stages ofthe Student Nonviolent Coardinntirig Céramittee was a contrast in
many ways fo any Block freedom group to cétme-before or after, Part of the SNCC
activists were middle iss college tateectuals, with o amall number of working class
erawroets setivists, but they developed a whrking ‘style thet. was very ant
authorttirian and was unique to the Civil rights ‘movement. Instead of bringing in»
‘national ender to lend local struggles, like Dr, Martin Lathet King Jr. and his group,
the Soutters Christin Lebdérship Couicl;'wat ‘wont t8 tho, SNCC sent in feld
organizers to work with the local pesple.and develop Indigenous lendership and help
organize, but not take over local struggles, They placed telt faith in the ability ofthe
people t determine ax agenda which would best serve them and Tend themselves 10
obtain their goals rather than being inspired or fold whit to de by 1 fender SNCC
Itvef had no strong leaders, even though it had peroons in decision-making authority,
but they were accouniabie to membership boards and the community in n nay no
other group in the civitrights movement was. 6s
SNCC was also a non-secular organization, in contrast to SCLC, which was formed
bby Black preachers and had co-opted their style of organizing from the Black church,
swith a religiois authority figure who gave orders to the troopis. Today mest political
ccominentators or historians till do not want to give full erelit tothe effectiveness of
SNCC, but many of the most powerfal and successful struggler of the Civil rights
‘movement were Initited and won by SNCC, ‘hichuding rwost of the voting rights
struggles and the Mistissippt phase of the fresdota miovement, I lesited a lot about
Internal democracy by being a part of SNCC,"how It could make or break an
‘organization, and how it had s0 muich to do with the morale ofthe members Rveryone
‘was given an opportanity to participate'in decision-making, and felt part of a grext
Ihstorical mission, which would change their lives forever: Thsy were right. Bven
‘though SNCC gare some lifelong lessons to all of us Involved, even if it was destroyed
bby the rich and their own, who resorted to am stuthoritarian style in later years.

also began to have a rethinking process after I was forced to leave de U.S. and go to
‘Cuba, Czeckoslovakia and other countries in the "Socialist blec,” as it was called
‘then. I¢ waa cleat that these countries were-cssentially police states, even though they
hhed brought many significant reforms and material sivances to their peoples over
‘what had existed before. I observed also that racism existed in those countries, along
‘with the denial of basle democratic rights and poverty on x scale T would not have
thaight possible. also sew 2 great desl of corruption ty the Communist Party
fenders and State adntolatrators, who wets well'off while the workers were inere
‘wage slaves, I thought to myself, "there hits to be w betier way!" There is. It is
Angrchiom, which T sterted to read about when I was captured in East Germany and
hhad heard more about whes Iwas eventuily thrown into prison in the United Stats.
Prison is a place where one continually thinks about his other past life, including the
examinetion of new or contrary Ideas, I began to think about what Thad seen in the
Bick moveneat, sleog with my mistreatment in Cuba, my capture and escape in
‘Ceschesloyaiiay and my ual capture in Bast Gexinainy. I veplayed allthis over and
‘over in my hend. Irs first introduced to Anarchism in 1968, immediately after Y wns

Page 60

$Soap Duck to the U.S: and wat placed in the federal lockup in New York City, ‘here 1 met Martin Sostre. Sastre told me about how to survive tu prisens the ‘portance of fighting for prjsoners' democratic rights, and ibout Auerehism, This hort course in Anarchion gt mot atch hewever, ten though T grealy respected ostre personally, because I didnot understand the theoretical concepts. 4 ‘nally around 1973, after I had been locked ap for. about three years, I stared ccciving Anarchist literature and correspondance from Anarchist who tad beard bout my case. This began iny slow meiamorphors ea confirmed Anarchist, spd in act it was not until s fow years later that Tame over. During the late 19705, Y wae opted by Anarchist Black Crost-England and alee by a Dutch Anarchit greop alled HAPOTOC, (ielp A Prisoner Oppose Torture Organizing Cammitten), which snarchist groups in the U.S. and around the world. But [became disheartened by the \\nsrchist movements failure to fight white supremacy and itt lack of cass struggle rolities. So, in 1979, 1 wrote « pamphlet called Anarchism and the Black Revolution, 0 act as a guide tothe discussion of these matters by our movement. Faslly,n 1983, was released from prison, after having served almost 15 years, ‘or ull these years, the pamphlet influenced a number of Anarchists who wore ‘posed to racism and also wanted a more elass struggle-orienied approtch than the novemeat then afforded. Meanwhile I bad fallen away from the Ansrehist moveraont fn disgust, and it was not uatit 1992 when I was working in my hometown of Zhattanooge, ‘Tennessee, a8 an anti-racist community organizer, that Iran into 0 \\narchist wasted Jolin Johnson and once again made contact. He gave me an ise of save and Rage newspaper, and as s result, {contacted Cheis Day of Lave and Rage, tnd conirades in WSA in New York The rest, as they say, is history. I have been beck vith a vengeance ever sinc ul of & sudden, 1 see there are now others in the movement whe understand the ‘vorkiugs of white supseumacy and they bave encouraged me to rewrite this pamphlet I ave gratefully dene so, Why am I an Anarchist? I have an alternative viefon for the ‘evolutionary process. There isa hetter way. Let us get oo with it! WHAT I BeELieve MI anarchists do not believe ia the same things. There are differences and the feld is road enough that those differences cas coexist and be respected. 80 I don't naw TM others believe, XJust know what I belive in and I will spell ut it simply, but horoughly. Peneve in Black liberation, to Cam a Black revolutionary believe that Black people Feghhressed both as workers and a distinct aatiouaity, and will only be freed by a Dekeve in the destruction af the world Capitalist Syatem, so Xam an and-dmpertaist, ‘ars, and millions of people starving for the profit motive of the rich countries iv the ‘Weay I believe In racial justice, so I am an auu-racist, The Capitalist system was Page 61$

mated by and ls maintained by enslavement and celonlal oppression of the African
‘people, and before there willbe a aoclel revolution white supremacy mast be defeated.
Lalao belfove that Africans in America are colonized and exist as an internal eoloni
of the US, white mother ecumtry. I believe that white workers must give up their
privileged status, their "white identity,” snd must support racially oppressed workers
In their fights for equality and national liberation Freedom cannot be bought by
eneleviog and exploiting others, 67

I belleve in social justice and economic equality, so I sm a Libertarian Socialist. 1
believe that soclety und sll partes responsible for its production should share the
economie products of labor. I do not believe ia Capitalism ér the state, and believe
they both should be overthrown and abolished 1 accept the economic critique of
Marzinth, but not its model for political organizing, T eecept the anti-authoritarian
critique of Anarchism, but not ts rejection of the clas struggle.

1 belleve in workers control of society and industry, so I am an Anarcho-Syndlcals.
‘Anarchist Syndleslism Is revolutionary labor unlonism, where direct action tactics
are used to fight Capitalism and take over industry I believe that the factory
committees workers! councils and other labor organizations should be the
workplaces, and should take control from the Capitalists after a direct action
campaign of sxbotage, strikes, sit downs, fectory occupations and other actions.

1 donot believe in government, and 90 T am an Anarchist believe that government it
one of the worst forms of modern eppression, is the source of war and economic
oppression,'and must be overthrown. Anarchism means that we will have more
dderoocracy, sola} equallty, and economic prosperity. I oppose all forms of oppression
found tn modem seclety: patritrchy, white supremacy, Capitalism, State
Communism, religious dictates, gay dscrimination, etc.

MTU eC Ta AU CL Mh |

Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin wis born and raised in Chattanooga, Tennessee in 1947.
‘What he calls the "segregated South" of the 1950's and 60's was an environment of
violence, racism, poverty and rejection. A youth street gang member, Brvin joined the
Natlonal Association for the Advancement of Colored People when he wat 12 years
‘old, and took part in the 1960 sit-in protests which changed racial discrimination x
pubile accommodation in the city and throughout the South. After being drafted, he
served two years in the U.S. Army, where he became a Vietnam anti-war organizer,
which revulted in his court-martial and dismissal by higher officials. Returning home,
hae jolued the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1967 before it merged
{temporsriiy) with tho more militant Black Panther Party for Self Defense.

In the wake of the urban Black rebellions that rocked the USA afler the ascassipation
of Dr. Marta Lather King, Jr. In the Spring of 1968, an attempt was mnde to frame
Ervin on weapons charges and fer threatening the life of 2 local Kian lender. In order
to escape protecution on these charges, Ervin hijacked x plane to Cuba in February
1969, It was while in Cuba, and later n the then Republic of Czechoslovakia, that he
first became disilistoned with state sectalism, recognizing it as dictatorship *period,
not as the “dictatorship of the proletariat’, as many Communist governments
claimed.

{In 1969, Ervin was captured by the CIA while in Eastern Rurope and breught back
to the U.S. for trial. Afler s farce of a trial in x small town in Georgia, where he faced
the death penalty before an all-White jury, judge, prosecutors, and defense

Page 62

attorneys, in 1970 he was sentenced to spend the rest of his life in prison.

Ervin remained politically sctive in prison where he was first introduced to the ideals
of Aaarehisu by Auarchist political prhoner Martin Sastre. 14 1979, Ervin wrote
Anacchisu and the Bléck*Revolution and other pamphlets that are probably among
some of the widely read writings on Anarchist theory. Anarchism and the Black
Revolution is still popular, snd has gane thraugh several priatings. v
Ervin was also involved in many prison struggles, the carly 1970s prison unien
organizing campaigns qnd the Black prisoner movement or that period. Because of
years of solitary confinement and prison mail 0 his cate was kept in
obscurity, and {¢ was not until he was éne of the “Marion rothels,” a group of
priscners who became well known as they’strugeled against the first Control Unit at
Marion Federal Penitentiary, that his case became a public concern. Ervin's own
legal challenges and sn international campaign eventually led to his release from
prison after 15 years of incarceration.
‘Unlike many ex-prisouers, Ervin Was politically active immediately upon his release.
He worked for the Concerned Citizen for Justice (CC2) in Chattanooga, » local civil
‘rights group, and led 4 10-year campaign ageinst police brutality and Ku Klux Klan
penetration of the police department, which resulted in the Chief of Police aud the
Police Commissioner resigaing, This occurred after the CC3 hosted 4 long campaign
of mass demonstrations and lawsuits over the deaths of mumerous Black and poor
people wito were killed aver the years by rack officers. As CCJ President and Taga!
Redress Chair, Ervin was algo pritsarily responsible for the filing of a class action
layauit by several Black orgenizations and the ACLU, which resulted in the
restructuring of city government, and the election of several Black City
Commissioners.

In 1987, Ervin helped oryanize a major mobilization against the Klan that resulted in
the Klan being sun out of town. Also in 1987, Ervin wes primarily responsible fr the
fiting of « major civil rights lnwauit that sucetesfully forced the city af Chattansoga to
change its structure of governarice on the basis that it systematically dlsempowered
the Black community. In retaliation for his activism, the white power structere has
sought to frame Ervin up on a number of charges, the last being his arrest on
misdemeanor charges in the "Chatlanooga 8" case. In that east, Ervin was arreated
‘with several other activists in the Ad Hoe Coalition Againer Racism and Police
Brutality (which succeeded the Concerned Citizens for Justice) for bis participation
{in a demonstration agulust the fallure of a grand jury to bring any criminal charges
‘ugainst policemen who choked a Black motorist, Larry Powell, to death in February
1993.

Mr. Ervin now lives im Kalamazoo, Michigan, and works with the Southwest
Michigan Coalition Against Racism and Police Brutality, and the Black Autonomy
Network of Community Organizers.

Since lite 1993, Mr, Ervin has been on an North American and international
‘speaking tour talking about his experiences to other community organizations, college
students and other interested pertous, He has alao beet trying to build am anti
authoritarian network of community organizers, sapecially in black and poor
Reighborhoods, which can serve a3 a new radical grassroots movement for social
change.

63

AVAILABLE FOR SPEAKING TOURS AND IMMEDIATE BOOKING
Forinformation about booking Mr. Ervin to speak at your institution; please contact:
Lorenao Kon?bea Ervin

P.O. Bex 19962 e?
Kalamizoo, MI. 49006
e-mail: kembor@hottaniLeom or komboa@rocketmall.com

URL CMCC Om tc ey

A was reading 2 leter Irom an sctivit a few days ago sbout the protests around the
Democratic and Republican political conventions this past Summer, and nbout how
the media distorted and covered up everything that happened. Did you know that
‘over 3,000 persons hare been arrestel since the November 30, 1999 demonstration in
Seattle? There hes been widespread police brutality and repression of all those
protests mentioned, and those in Washington, D.C., Minneapolis, Cincinnati, end
other cities in the USA. For instance, in San Franciscy thie pest October,
demonstration of thourands for death row political prisoner Mumia Abu Jamal, was
broken up by a “riot squad’ of city cops and state police, for no reason other. than to
express cop hatred and to exert police power over the participants. Young peonle
‘ern beiten, sprayed with oxie chemicals, and illegally arrested for x0 other reason
than police stte terrorism.

‘Yet the corporate mass media has said nothing about these incidents, and if any of
‘them hs been reported it has been in a seasatlonalistlc fashion, designed to Justify the
cop violence, They broke windows, were not "the right kind of ‘or were
troublemakers. So go ahead and beat them officers! To the media, there is no thing
such thing as police bratality, nor a eonspieacy to stifle the right ditto hy those In
Dover. Iastesd it glves more attention to w3-legged dog, axcae wit} méttin chops, talk
show contestants, or the latest netlons of “officer’Frfedly™ with toddlero me pre-
schobl; than repotting on police corraption. and rwurdet. Pic meta likes to pretend it
4s objective and that itis 2 budwark of the mastes of peeple sgainst government
excesses, but what It realy is, Is a handmaken to the lits and distortion of the
government snd its agents.

‘We have now also seen years of media concentration and buyouts by mega
telecommuntcations corporstions, which means that tHere are ever fener independent
oF progressive voices out there and hardly any in the mainstream media. So when the
state and the rich capitalist ows the media, 30 how can the truth ever be told? Now
there are no governmental controls on media operations or corporate restructuring, 1
‘mem the same company, whether the phone company, newspaper company, or even
the public utilities, can own all media outlets in a community, enturing that only one
voice will ever be heard, and hat there will be no challenges to the stnuus quo. So
whit are we to do?

‘A namber of things: one isto create and support independent and radical medi like
the Michigan Citizen, 7, Magazine, Aftienn Frontline News, and ether radical rredia,
‘Also there are the online publications like the Independent Media Ceaters in over 39)
ties and 10 countries around the world, which were instrumental In getting even the
minimal word out thal did get to us. And the various Black community newspapers
have been around for ages-they are the oldest alternative press service in the USA.
Yes, alternative and underground media are important, but they are not enough, just

Page oa

yet anyway, £0 contend with the mass media, which reaches millions, We have to
demand aecountability from the capitalist mass media as well. Although they have
control of the airwaves, they do.not own them. That belongs fo the people, not the
‘capitalists or the government. Sowe must fight to liberate them, not just assume that
we can do nothing. I believe that accountability is possible, bat will not happen
without w fight o
‘Actuully this is «free speech issue as well esa political istue. I's a free peeeh istue in
that we are fighting to get our words out to a wider public, and cur fight is political
because we ate fighting entrenched corporate pawer on behalf of the masses of
people.

‘What can we do? J beliave that instead of unanswered letters to the medi or FCC,
‘we need to start to have demonstrations at TV stations and networks, and even try to
‘isrupr tive and taped broadcasts, hold picket fines outside TV studios and sit-ng at
the offices of management, and other protests. We need to fight for media access for
our grassroots community groups and insurgent political groups to fell our own
stories, and counter the lies of the government and corporations. We uced W alse put
pressure on corporate sponsors of uews and entertainment programs to niot push
{hese pro-police, racist, and demagogic entertainment shows, We need to fight 10 get
other perspectives than the government line (ie. radical Left views} on nightly
newscasts. We must end media censorship of our ideas,

Know this is aot 4 perfect plan, but I wanted to got us thinklag om this, We'nced
direct action campaign against the capitalist media, us well as the WTO, the racist
cops, croaked bosses, and otner oppressive institutions under this system. Iremember
something somebody told me a long time ago, no other revolution had ta contend with
television and its mass brajnwashing of the populace like in madera America and the
world. Thi ravelution wonife televised, but it must be neutralized,

Be Careful What You Ask For

“Tam surg by now that many of you bavo asked yourselves how it could be that
sominally Black led government, which presides over a majority Black police force,
and which is leented in Detroit, « majority Black city, could be the number #1 city in
the nation for police murders of civilians, again the majority of whom are Black. 1
scents Co yo aysinst “conventions! wisdom," Tam sure many would say. But doa't be
so sure.

remember in the 1960's when all things "Black' were deemed automatically "good"
by so many in our community, that the call began to go forward for "Black Power" in
government. Now, admittedly "Black faces in high places" was aot what we had it
mind, but we were tired of being segrogated against, beaten and robbed, even
‘murdered by the white man represented by the Mayors of eltes and their police, and
‘had the waive ides along the lines of "what could a brother do that was worse? Ifit'
4 mies i'l be Blseke mess this time!"

Before Detroit got this usenviable reputation ss the pelleo murder capital, [
remember how, years ago, all this happened in Attanta, and it offers the leston for us
here.

Wt was 1973, and that Dixie city had never had a Black Mayor, and the winds of
politizal change were in the air. Ivan Allen, a Jewieh pragrestive, was in office, slong
with his Black Vice Mayor, Maynard Juckson, who had political ambitions of hit
‘own, That year Atlanta ted the entire world In te nuraber of fatal police sheotings of

Page 65

ciritians,(33) the majority Black. Every week # cop pumped somebody full of lend, It
‘seemed that they would never stop, and we knew it was the white power structure out
‘o intimidate the Black community with racist cops.

Insome of the more middle clas "civil rights” circle, the call began to
‘lection of a Black Mayor, and “more Black police officers and commande:
‘would hear this on the news medis
front of eity hall, not to demand justice for the
cops inoffice.

AAs irony would have it, they got their wish, vice-mayor Jackson broke away and
‘began & campaign ageinet Allen, and with the support of the civil rights and Inbor
‘communities handily whipped him at the polls. But one of the first acts of the new
‘mayor was ‘o “tern* on his new "alles" only weets after taking office.

A bitter garbage workers strike hed broken oud, and when union and civil rights
leaders came to cty hall to remind Jacison of his "debi" to them, te repaid it ina
‘eruel fashion, He called upon the hundreds of newly-hired Black police officers to net
‘asan employer's army to brutally beat the workers and drive them forcefully out of
‘ity hall. These same Black officers they had loudly screamed for the tity fo hire,
‘were now bloodying their heads as bratally as any white cop!

Jackson went on to use the police to totally break the strike and a ta-even bretk

jefims, but more Black politicians and

the AFSCME unlon, which represented city garbage worker!
he "modernized" police operations, by bringing in a variety of
police administrators, even hired more women and gay officers, and he removed the
‘hated white officials Eke Police Chief John Inman, and publicly at least he denounced
police excesses by *whitet officers. In addition to Chief Inman, he evex got rid of
many of the old line white southern officers. K's only now we know that police
brutality and murder did not end, even if it was driven underground for years. The
{fact that "one of our own" was in power excited sume in the black community more
than social Justice of any sort, ns long as the hand on the levers of power was Black,
To this day, Attanta stlt has a large number of police murders of civilians. And i's
stil extler for a Black mayor to getaway witht.

So if you want to know hew Dennis Archer got in office, ifs important to know that
the Black community teected* him there, Of cosrse, the while buokers and
Dusinessmen love hits, and he is also & darling of the national Democratic party, and
1s far a3 they are concerned ean do no wrong. But the Blaek community gave him his
political carver, and he has given a free hind to the pollee, without tragie results.
Itused to be ssid that 2 Black police offcer was "not nearly 28 brutal" as n white one.
‘We should now know this Is not true, about 50 dead in Detroit since 1995. Since
‘Archer was been Mayor his predominately-Black police force has declared war on the
coumumity, and Detrolt is #1, not in job or housing development, but killing civilians.
‘Why was he elected inthe first place?

By this time, you are probably saying to yourselves, "why Is Lorenzo talking about all
this?”

‘Welt, after yet another police brutality incident on Jaruary 13* at the Detreit Auto
show, which resulted In the beating of several young blacks by Detroit PD efficers,
Greg Bowens, Mayor Archer's press secretary, in the Mayor's defense, stated: "To
ven suggest that the Mayor as & Black mam would order the cops te bent up another

‘Black man is i ing, imensitive and’ ridiculous!” Weil, afl I enn sny i, be careful
hat you ms for, you just may gett! * originally printed in early
(2061

Page 66

RED AT

+22 XO Od

OEYOS 11 ‘GOOMSNWOH
OHLSIO SNIZ O8V
ODVOIHD HLNOS

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ANHRRCHICM
Ane is

Bt rick
REVOLUTION

ode Lorenzo Kom'boa Evin
Anarchism and the Black Revolution

By Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

First Edition December of 2005 - 100 copies 2
Published by The Books 4 Prisoners Crew

Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin's Ansrchism and:the Black Revolution hes been
released on numerous occasions, ith rewiitds along the way. This version
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pervious (and possibly future) versions. This version also includes one of
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Insightful essay on the realities and pitfalls of Black reformist thoaght which
is found exclusively in this edition,

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ANARGHISH AND BLACK REVOLUTION PART 1

An Analysis of White Supremacy.
How the Capitalists Use Racism.
So What Type of Anti-Racist Group is Needed?
‘The Myth of "Reverse Racism"
Defeat white supremacy!

ANARCHISM AND BLACK REVOLUTION PART 2

Where is the Black Struggle and where should it be
going?. Page 10
A Call for a New Black Protest Movement.
What form will this movement take’
‘Revolutionary strategy and tactics.
A Black Tax Boycott...

A National Rent Strike and Urban Squatting
A Boycott of American Business
A Black General Strike...
The Commune: Community Control
Community.

Building A Black survival program.
The Need for a Black Labor Federat

‘The Drug Epidemic: A New Form of Black Genocide’

African Intercommunalism. age 34
Armed Defense of the Black Commune. Page 37
ANARCHISM AND BLACK REVOLUTION PART 3
Anarchist Theory and Practice.

‘Types of Anarchists. rage 43,
Anarchist Versus Marxist-Leninist Thought on Organization of
Society
General Principles o:

Capitalism, the State and elvate Property.
Anarthisin, Violence sitd Authotity...

‘What I Believe.....
ADDED WORKS

editions
‘Will the Revolution be televis
Be careful what you ask for...

T LEARNED YEARS AGO THAT WHEN
YOU START, YOU CAN NEVER STOP
TM GOING TO STOP WHEN I'M IN
THE CASKET, AND I HOPE THEY
BURY ME WITH A REVOLUTIONARY
ANARCHIST FLAG AND MY FISTS
RAISED UP
- Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin University of
Calgary speech

Oct. 27,1999
DEDICATION

| dedicate this second edition of Anarchism and the Black Revolution
to Comrade Ginger Katz, one of the founders of the original North
American Anarchist Black Cross almost 15 years ago. It was Ginger
Katz who almost single-handedly arranged for the typesetting,
Publishing and printing of the first edition, and then she went out
and sold them by the thousands. Without her, this second edition
would not have beea possible. s

She had to fight to get the books published, and to get a hearing for
myself and other Black Anarchists, who had things to say about the
direction of the movement. The "Anarchist purists,” who wanted to
keep the movement all white and as an Individualist, counter-
cultural phenomenon, fought her tooth and nail. Some of these
criticisms and struggles were thinly veiled racism, and I am sure that
they frustrated and exhausted Comrade Ginger. If so, she never
relayed it to me, but X heard it from other sources. I remember my
dealings with Anarchists in the movement during the 1970s, wha
denied the existence of racism as something we should fight entirely.
But not Comrade Ginger. She was one of the few Anarchists who
undersiood how the American state was organized, aud how it used
white skin privilege to split the working class, and to continue the
dictatorship of Capitalism through such "divide and rule tactics.

J afill have some of the letters that Ginger wrote me 15 years ago
when I was in prison. But I lost contact with her since the carly 1980.
In 1983, I was released fram prison, and became estranged from the
Anarchist and prison movements, so I do not know where she is. But
wherever she is, I hope she will know how much I appreciate what
she did to make this project a reality, and how she laid the seeds for
the growth of the present and future Libertarian Socialist movement
on this continent, and hopefully around the world. I am hopeful that
‘I might one day meet her, maybe whea I am on a national book tour
for this and other books I have written, and just thank her for
helping me, when I could not kelp myself. To this comrade, I will give
my love and respect always. Thank you.

Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

September 1993

UVES WE ECLA C7 CG) Aiea ea

AN ANALYSIS OF WHITE SUPREMACY 6

This pamphist will brieffy dlacuds'the ature of Anarchlam and its relevance to the
Biack Liberation movement. Hecause there have been 99 many lies and distortions of
what Anarchism really stands for, by both iis left- and right-wing ideological
opponents, it will be necessary to discuss the many popular myths abott it. This in
itself deserves 2 book, but is not the intention of this pamphlet, which ls merely to
introduce the Black movement to revolutionary Anaresist Heals, tis up to the reader
to determine whether these new ideas are valid and worthy of adoption.

HOW THE CAPITALISTS USE RACISM

‘The fate of the white working class has always been bound with the condition of
Black workers, Going as far back as the American colonial period when Black lator
vwas first imported into America, Bincc slaves and indentured servants have been
oppressed right along with whites of the lower clases, But when Ecropean
indentured servants joined with Blacks to rebel against their lot in the Ite 1600s, the
Dropertied class decided to “free” them by giving them a special status as "whites
‘and thus a stake in the system of oppression.
Material incentives, as well as the nemfy elevated social status were used to ensure
‘these lower clasees” allegiance. This invention ofthe "white race! and racial stavery
of the Africans went hand-inglove, and is how the, wpper classes maintained order
uring the period of slavery. Even poor whites had aspirations of doing better, since
their secial mobility was ensured by, the new system. This social mobility, however,
‘was on the backs of the African slaves, who were super-explated,
[Bn the die had been cast for the dual-tier form of Isbor, which exploited the Aftican,
bbut also trapped white labor. When they sought to organize unions or for higher
‘wages in the Noxth or South, white laborers weresiapped down by the rich, who uted
‘enslaved Black labor as their primary mode of production. The so-called "fret" labor
of the white worker did not stand achauce.
Although the Capitalists used the system of white skin privilege to great effect to
side the working clay the tut thatthe Capita ny favored wie workers
to use them ageinst their own infcreats, net because there was truc "iblte” class
tity, The Caplio didn't want whit ar elted wih Blacks nats ht ral
and the system of exploitation of labor. The invention of the "white race” was a scam
to facittate this expletation. White workers were bought off to allow ther own wage
slavery and the African's super-exploitation; they strack a deal with thedevil, which
has hampered all efforts at class unity forthe ast four centariés,
‘The continsal subjagation of the misses depends on competition snd internal
disunity. As long #3 discrimination exists, ard racial or ethnle minorities are
‘oppressed, the entire working class is opprested snd weakesied. Thia is se because the
Capitalist class is able to use racism to drive down the wages of individual segments
f the working-class by inciting racial antagonizm and forcing a fight for jobs and
services. This division is a development that ultimately undercuts the living standards
of all workers. Moreover, by pitting whites against Blacks and other oppressed
nationalities, the Capitalist class is able to prevent workers from uniting egainst their
common class enemy. As long as workers are fighting each other, Capitalit clas rale
is secure.

Pager
Af.an elfective resistance is to'be mounted against the current racist offensive of the
Capitalist class, the utmost solidarity between ‘workers of all races is essential The
way to-defea the Capitalit strategy 1s for white Workers to defend the democratic
Tights won by Blacks and other oppressed peoples after decades af hard struggle, and
(fight to dismantle the syitom of white skin privilege. While workers should support
and adent the.coaeratn demands of the Elack movement, and should work to abolish
the white identity citirely. These white workers should strive for multicultural ‘unity,
and should work with Blacks activists to bulld an anti-racut movement to challenge
White supremacy. However, itis also very important to recognize the right of the
Bleck movement to take an fadependent road in its own interests, That is what self.
determination means.

‘Race and Class; the Combined Character of Black Oppression 7
‘Because of the way this astion has developed with the exploitation of Africas Inbor
tnd the maiatenince of an internal colony, Blacks and other non-white peoples ars
oppressed both as members of the working class and as a racial nationality. as
Afticans in America, they are a alstinct people, hounded and-segregated in US.
society, By straggling for their human and civil rights they ultimately come into
confrontation with the entire Capital

under’ this system becauss, based on historically uneven competition, Capitalit
exploitation is inberemiy racist.

At this Juncture the movement can go into the direction of revolutionary social
shange, or linititzelfo winning reforms and democratic rights within the siructure
of Capitaliom, The Botential is thers for ether. Ta fact, the weakness of the 196s
Civ Fights movement was that it ‘allied itself with the liberals In the Democratic
Party and acted for civil rights protective legislation, instead ef pushing for social
‘evatution. This suf-policing by the leaders of the movement is an abject lrson about
‘why the new movemeat has to be self-activated and not dependent on personalities
and politicians,

But if such a movement does become a social revolutionary movemeat, it must
nitinetely waits its forces with similar movements like Gays, Women, radical
Workers, and others who are in revolt against the system, For example, in the late
1960 the Busck Lieration movement acted as a catalyst to spread revolutionary
‘ideas and images, which brought forth the varicus opposition movcimeats we ste
ody. Tais is what we believe wil! happes again, although itis not enough to call fer
mindless unity" os much of the whits left does,

Because of the dual forms of oppression of non-white workers and the depth of social
espsration it creates, Blacks workers will strike frst, whether their potential allies

Tighis and geias of non-white workers. This self- activity of the oppresssd masses,
Geach as the Black Liberation movement) is. inherently revolutionary, and is an
essential part of the social revolutionary pracest of the eatire working dacs. These ure

revolutionary victary i to be had. I¢has to be recoyatzed as a cardinal principle by
all, feat oppressed peoples havea right to el?-determination, including the right 1
rus their own organizations and Uberation struggle. The victims of racism know best
hhow to fight back sgalnat it.

SO WHAT TYPE OF ANTI-RACIST GROUP IS
: NEEDEI v

‘The Biack movesient néods xtlics in its battle agsinst the racist Capitalist chise — aot
the usual liberal or pliony “fadical" support, but genuine revolutionery working class
support and solidarity, otherwise called "mutual ald" by Anarchists. The bésis of
such unity however'must be prinsipled and-be based. on clad intorest rather tam
liberal "guilt tripping,” "do-gooding” or opportenisin and manipulttion by liberal or
radica! political partics., This mecds of the oppressed people must bo the moat
important consideration, but they want gentine support, not fakery or leftist rhetoric.
‘The Anarchist movement, which is overwhéliningly white, mest start to understand
that they need to do propsganda work mong the Black and other oppressed
and they need to make It possible for non-white Anarctists to organiz in
communities by providing. them with technical resources (printing of zines,
video end audio cassette production, ete) and assisting with financial resoures..
‘One reason there are so few Black Anarchists is because the movement provides no
means to reach people of color. win them over to Anarchlnm- and help them organize
themselves. This mast change if we want the socal revolation to teke place in
America, and ifwe vant North American Anarchism to be more than “white rights"
movement.
‘The type of organization needed must be a "mays" organization working to unite all
‘workers in common class struggle, but must be able to recognize the duty to support
and adopt the special demands of the Black and other non-white peoples as those of
‘the entire working class. It must challenge White supremacy on a.daily basts, it must
refute racist philosophy and propaganda, and must counter racist mobilization and
attacks, with armed self-defense and street fighting, when neccasary. The objective of
such 2 mass srovement is to win the white working elass over to an anti-white
supremacy, class-conscious postion; to unite the-entire-working class; and to directly
confront and overthrow the Capitalist state, and its rulers. The cooperation of and

solidarity of all workers is essential for full Social revolution, not just its privileged
white sector.

For instance, an existing organization like Anti-Racist Action, if adopting such
politics as an Anarchist group, should be given a bigher prierity by our movement.
Every city and tows should have ARA-type collectives, and every existing Anarchist
{federation should have internal working groups that do work around racism and
police brutality. In fact, the type of group that 1 am talking about would be a
{federation itself to coordinate strugeles on the national and maybe even international
level.

This would be 2 revolutionary movement, not content to sit around and read hooks,
elect a few Black politicians or “friends of Labor” to Congress or the State
Legislature, write protest letters, creulate petitions, or other such tae etic, It
‘would take the examples of the early tadieal labor riovements like the TWW, aa well
1 the Civil rights movement of the 19605, to show thet only direct action tactics of
confrontation and militant protest will yield ary results stall: It would also have the
‘example of the 1992 Los Angeles rebeltion to show that people will revolt, but there
peed to be powerful alies extending material aid and redetance info, ad am exicing
mass movement to take it to the next step and spread the insurrection.

‘The Anarchists must recogntte thisamd:help build x militant anti-racist group, whlch
‘vould be both a support group for the Black revolution and a mast-orgnizing center
to unite the class. Itis very important to wrest the mass influence of the racial

Page3
equality mevement out of the hands of the lef-liberal Democratic wing of the ruling
class. The left Uberals may-talk a good fight, but as long as they are aot for
overthrowing Capitalism and smashing the state, they will hetray and sabotage the
entire struggle against racism. The strategy of the left-liberals is to deflect class-
‘conscicusnea into strictly race cousciousmess. They refuse ¢o appeal on the basis of
class material interests to the U.S, working and middle classes to support Black
‘rights, and as a result allow the right-wing to capitalize unopposed on the latent racist
feeling among whites, as well as on their economic insecurity. The kind of movement L
‘am proposing wil step in the breach and attack white supremacy, and dismaatle the
Very threads of what holds Capitals together. Without the mess white conseusus to
the rule of the American state, apd the system of white skin privilege, Capitalism
could not ge on into tae next century!

THE MYTH OF ‘REVERSE RACISM" q
"Reverse Discrimination" has become the war ery of all those racists trying to roll
back civil rights gains won by Blacks and other oppressed nationalities in housing,
education, smploysnent, and every aspect of social life. The racists feel these things
should only go to white males, and that "minorities and women are taking them
away from white mea, Miliont of white workers day-in and day-out are bombarded
by this racist propaganda, and itis having a big impact. Many whites believe this ie
of reverse discrimination against white people. This belief is embraced by many
auped white workers, who consider “reverse discrimination” to be at least parily
responsible for the etonomic probiems so many of them are suffering from today.
Suh beliefs propetfed Ronald Reagan to his two terms as US. president. Reagan
(ried to use this racist-propagands line to precipitate a rollback ix the civil rights
gains of oppressed nationalities,
‘The racists claim the concept of reverse discrimination suggests the wholes
discrimination against Blacks and other racially oppressed groups is a hoax. Baldly
stated, the idea is that the passage of the 1964 Civil rights Act ended discrimination
against Blacks, Latinos and other nationalities, and women, and now the law is
diveriminating against white people, The racists say racial minorities and women are ”
the new privileged groups in American society. They are allegedly getting the plek of
Jobs, preferential college placements, the best housing, goverament grants, and #0 on
at the expense of white workers. The racists say programs to end discrimination are
not only unnecessary, but are actually attempts by minorities to gain power at the
expense of white workers. They say Blacks and women do not want equality, but
rather hegemony over white workers.
‘An Anarchist anti-racist movement would counter such propaganda and expese it as
» ruling class weapon, The Civil Rights Act did not cause inflation by “excessive”
spending on welfare, housing, or other social services. Further, Blacks aren't
discriminating ageinst whites: whites are not being herded into ghetto housings
‘removed from or probibited from eutering profeasions; deprived of decent education;
forced into mlautrition and early desth; subjected to racial violence and police
repression, forced to suffer disproportionate levels of unemployment, and other forms
of raciel oppression. But for Blacks the oppression starts with birth and childhood
Infant mortality rats ia nearly three times that of whites, and it conticues an
throughout their lives. The fact is "reverse diacrimiaation'” iy» howd. Amii-Dlack
iserimination is not a thing of the pat It is the systematic, all pervasive reality
today!

‘Malcolm X pointed out in the 1960s that no civil rights statutes will give Black people

Pages
thelr freedom, and asked If Africans in America were really citizens why would civil
rights be necessary. Malcolm X observed civil rights had been-fought for at great
sectiice, and therefore should be enforced, but I the governineit won't enforce the
laws, then the people will have to do so, and the movement will have to pressure the
government authorities to protect democratic rights. To waite the maists of people
behind « working class anti-racist moversent, the following practical demands, which
‘aren combination revolutionary sind radical reformtism, to ensure democratic rights,
arenecetsary:
1. Mackand white worker” soar, Fight raciom on the job ud in oeely le

* 2. Full democratic and human rights for all nom-vhite peoples, Make unfom Nght
racism and discrimination.
3 Armed sel-defense agalast racist attacks, Dud mast movement against racism ard
fascism.
4. Community control of te police, replacement of cops bv community self. defense
forse lected by rsideuls, Bnd polies brutality. Prosection of all kller cops.
5. Money for rebuilding the cities, Creation of public works brigades to rebuild inner
city arees, made up of community residents,
6. Bull socially usefil emplowment at union wager for all workien Bnd rach
discrimination in jobs, training and promotions. Establish affirmative: action
programs tovreverse prt racist empioyment penctces

7, Ban the Ku Klux Klan, Nazis and other fasclt orzaniztions, Prosecution ofall
racists for attacks on peopl of color.
8. Hces.onen adinlsslont ta all intitations of Jenrning for ol thors qualified to attend,
No ei exclusion igh evento,

End taxes of workers and poot, Tax the ric and major corporations.
‘ordi ad tle 4 Ea nd maa l n od ni er oa
$s er all poltialorjoners_and_imocet. veins of ras nine, Abetih
rion. Fig econone diary
12. Rankevand filed trol of the ah sh
Sd abr mores Mak nn acre oc issues,
13. rt mf f

‘Smash the ent Wa

‘"Fascism is not to be debated, Iti to be smashed..."
Buenaventura Durritti, Spanish Anarchist revolutionary, 1936,
As Capitalist society decays, people will look for radical and (otal solutions to the
misery they face, The Nazis and the Klan are smong the few right-wing political
forees that offer, or appear te offir, a radical answer to the-current.problems of
society for the white masses. That these solutions are false will matter little to
confused and hysterical people searching desperately for a may out.of the
socioeconomic erisis the Capitalist world is frcing. Sections of the mide lass, better-
off layers of the white working class, poor and unemployed white workers, al
olsoned by the rncinm of this society, are easy prey for/Nax\ and Klan denagogucs.
‘The Nazis, skinheads and the Kian are the most extreme right-wing racistifescst
‘organizations In the United States. Today these groups are smal and many lberals
like to downplay the threat they represent, even to argue for thelt legal "rights" to
spread their racist venom. But these groups have # tremendous growth potential a
could become m mats movement ir 2 surprisingly short period of time, eapectaty
uring an economic and political erisis like we are now in,

PageS
Basing themselves on allenated white social forces, the Nazis ané Klan are trying {9
build s mass movement that can hire itself out to the Capitalists at the proper moment
and assume state power. Whea the Capltalist feel that they snight need an additional
‘lub to keep the workers and the oppressed in lin, they will turn to the Nazis, Kdan
‘and similar rightwing organizations, with beth money and support, in sddition to
strengthening the state police apd military forces. If need be, the Capitalists will place
them it power, (es they did in Spain, Germany and Staly in the 1920s and 1930s), s0
the fuacists will smash the unions and other working chse ergasizations; place
‘Blacks, Latinos Gays, Asians, and Jews into concentration camps; and turn the cest of
the workers into State slaves. Fasclon is the ultimate authoritarian soclety when in
power, even though it has changed its facs to # mixture of crude racism and smoother
racism in the modern demeeratic stale.

So in addition to the Nazis and tho Klan, thers are other right-Wing forces thet have
been ou the rise in the last 15 years. They include ultra-conservative rightist
politicians and Christian fundamentalist preachers, along witn the extreme right
section of the Capitalist ruling class itself — small business owners, tall show hosts
like Rush Limbaugh, along with the professors, economists, philosophers and others
in academia providing the ideological weapoary for the Capitalist offensive against
the workers and oppressed people. Not all the Tacists wear sheets. These are the
“etapectable” raciats, the new right conservatives, who are far more dangerous thin
the Kin or Nazis because their politics have become acceptable to large masses of
white workers, who in tura blame racial minorities for their problems.

‘The Capitalist class has already shown their willingness to use this conservative
movement a5 a smoke screen for an attaek-on the Labor movement, Black stru
‘and the entire working ass. Many ety public workers have bees fired; schocls,
hospitals and other social services bave been curtailed; government agencies have
been privatized; welfare rolls have been cut drastically; and the budgets of city and
state governments clashed. Banlis have even used their dictatorial powers to demand
these budget cuts, and to even, make entire cities defauit if they did not submit. This
even happened to New York City im the 1970s. So this is not just an issue of poor,
dumb rednecks in hoods. This is about hoods in business suits.

‘A first step in organizing and preparing the working class in the economic crisis we
face le to directly take on the right-wing threat. Repressive economic legislation by
conservative politicians to punish the poor and working class must be defeated; taxes
on the rich and major corporations musi be increased, while taxes on the workers and
farmers mast be abelished. If the politicians will not do it, we will organize a tax
boycott to force them to do it. The Nazis and Klan must be confronted through direct
action. Anarchists, the left and labor organizations must organize to defend workers
‘and eppressed from physical assaults by the racists, as well as hold mass
demonstrations in the streets at fascist ralics, We also must oppose scum lito
Operation Rescue that uses violent Fascist tactics agaiast women's rights to abortions.
Iti part of the same battegraund.

Here is the situation: David Duke, the “ex""Klansman is now part of the
“respectable! right, which picln up support among the upper middle class.
‘Meanwhile the 1Gan and Nez! shisheats are maklig headway amoog different secial
luyers, mainly poor white warkers and unemployed white youth. Tom Metzger, the
leader of white Aryan Resistance, called the Nazi skinheads his “Mrows-shirts of the
904." This ie very dangerous, but we cannot leave these people to the Nazis and Klan
‘uncontested. We should try to win them over, or at least neutralize any active
opposition on their part. Thisis a defeasive tactic at the very least, but really we have

Pages
so choice, and itis part of our revolutionary duty to organize the entire workdng cass
inyway. We should direct propaganda to these workers to expese the Nexis and Kia
for the acum they are, ard show how the workers are being misled. Wo should slso
ike it povatble for them to fightthis misery against the real enemy: the Capltalist
clas. z
But in addition to defensive operations for propagands, we mut take dlrect offensive
action to physically resist the racists when this is possible. For example, where the
balance of forces allows it, we. must organize to forcefully drive the Neus snd Yan
fff the streets. In order to smash thelt movements we must organize commando-type
factions to attack thelr rallies, close their bookshops and newspapers, destroy their
meeting hails, ind break up their marches. Sines the Nexis end Klan organize by
threatening and using violence, we must be prepared to reply to them in kind, butin &
better-organized and more effective way. For instance, pigs like David Duke and Tom
Metzgers who have beon advocating and leading the facist movement in Americs,
‘should be assassinated. We should infiltrate Ken and Nazi demonstrations ir order to
‘assault leaders and disrupt them, or bide xt a distance and snipe at them with high-
powered rifles, I have always felt that underground guerrilla movements Uke the
Black Liberation Army, Weather Underground, asd New World Literation Front
Sioutd have attacked fascist movements and amassinated their lesders. If we cripple

‘This fs the only way to stop fascists. DEATH TO THE KLAN AND ALL FASCISTS!
None other than Adoiph Hitler has been quoted ss saying: “Only one thing could
have stopped our movement. If our adversaties had stiderstood its principle, and
trom the first day had rmeshed with the utmost bratality the aucleas of our men
movement. " We should tak heed.

‘One other thing that we must Jo, and ts something which tactically separates ut
“Anarchists from the Mrxist-Leainiss, is that we tise our stadies of the authoritarian
personality te help us organize against fascist recruitment AN the M-L "United
Fronts" care about is strict polifical approach to defeat fascism and prevent them
from attaining state power, while being able to usher the Communist party in instend,
‘They organize liberals and others into, mass coalitions just fo seize power, and then
crush all radical and liberal ideolegical opponeats alter they get done with the
fasclsts, That is why the Stalinist Communist” states resemble fiscot police states v0
much In refusing to-allow.ideologieal plurality ~ they aro both totalitarian. For that
matter, how much difference was there really between Stalin and Bider? So, 1 say
‘that merely physically beating back the fascats is ot the iste. We need to study
‘what accounts for the mass psychology of fascism and then defeat it ideologically,
Zoing to the core of the deep sested racist bellefS, emotions, and authoritarian
Eonditioning of those workers who support fascism and sll police state authority.

The third prong of our strategy Is to organize among tho workers and other
‘oppressed sections of soclety wlth a program that addresses thei needs. As has been
‘sald, the Klan and Nazis recruit among certain social layers — overwhelmingly white
Youth who are hard-pressed by the economic crisis. These people see Blacks, Latinas,
JReians, Cage, women, and radieal movements 29 a threat. They are racist, renctlonsry
Sand potentlaty vary violent. Fearful that they will fose the litte they have they bay
‘ire myths that the problems i "those people" trying to steal thei jobs, homes, future,
ete, rather than the decay of the Capitalst system.

‘As tong as there appears to be 0 alternative to fighting over» sinking social “pe,”
the fescsts, with their'simple minded "solatiéns," will get « hesring among the
degenerate elements ofthe working class. The only way to undereut the appes! of the

Page
-rigt io organize a Libertarian werkers movement that can fight for ard win the
things that people need ~ jobs, decout Rousing and schools, health car, ete. This can
demonstrate concretely that thore is an alternative to the right wing's poisonour
“solutions,” and it can win to the ranks of the workers' movement some of those
‘People attracted te the fascut movement.

‘In all areas of our organizing, we must carry out consistent revolutionary propaganda
‘explaining Capitalism is reyponsible for unemployment, rising prices, rotten schools
And housing andthe reat ofthe decay we see around us. We must expove the fact that,
while the Nexis, Klan und other right-wingers make Black, Gays, Latinos and other
oppressed people the scapegoat fr the eeatonie eis, their real aim ts to destroy the
entire workers movement, commit genocide, start an adventuristic war and tura
‘workers into outright slaves of the State, Therefore, these fuscist forces are a threat to
all workers of every nationality. Tt mast ba explained that they only want to use white
‘workers as pawns in thelr scheme to creat 2 fascist dictatorship, and all workers
rust unite aad fight back and overthrow the state if Uaey are tobe fre, DEATH TO
THE KLAN, DEATH TO THE NAZIS!

DEFEAT WHITE supREmacys |3

‘The very means of class control by the rich is the least understood. White supremacy
i more than just a st of ideas or prejudices. If is national opprastoa. Yet to most
‘white prople, the term conjures up images of the Nazis or Ku Klux Klan rather thas
due system of white skin privileges that really undergirds the Capitalist system in the
US. Mest white people, Anarchists included, believe in esseace that Black people are
"tho same" a0 whites, and that we should just fight around “common issues" rather
than desl with “racial matiers," if they see any urgency in dealing with the matter at
all. Some will uot raise it in such 2 blunt fashion, they will sry that "class issues
should tak precedence," but it meaus the samme thing. They believe it's possible to put
offthe struggle against white supremacy until after the revolution, when in fact there
will be no revolation if white supremacy is not attacked and defeated first. They
won't win a revolutios in the U.S. until they fight to improve the lat of Blacks and
oppressed people who are being deprived of their democratic rights, as well as being
super-exploiied as workers,

Almost from the very inception of the North American socialist movement, the
simple-minded economist position that all Black and white workers have to do to
‘wage a revolution is to engage in 2 "common (economic) struggle” has heen used to
avoid struggle against white supremacy. In fact, the white left has always taken the
chauviniat position that since the white working class is the revolutionary vanguard.
anyway, why worry about an issue that will “divide the class"? Bistorically
‘Anarchists have not even brought up the matter of “race politics," 25 one Anarchist
referred to it the first time this pamphlet was published. This is «total evasion of the
ise,

‘Yet it is the Capitalist bourgevisi tuat creates inequality as a way to divide and rule
over the entire working class. White skin privileges a form of domination by Capital
over white labor as well as oppressed nationality labor, net just providing material
incentives to "buy off" white warkers and set them against Black and other
‘oppressed workers, This explains the obedience af white labor to Capitalism and the
State. The white working class does mot seo their betier off condition af part of the -
system of exploitation. After centuries of political and social indoctrination, they feel
their privileged position is just and proper, and what is more has been “earned.”
‘They feel threatened by social gains of non-white workers, which is why they sa

Pages
‘vehemently opposed affirmative ation plans to benefit minorities in jobs and hiring,
and to redress years of discrimination against them. Iti tlso why white workers have
opposed most vil rights fegistution. 14
Yet it is the day-to-day workings of white supremacy thst we must fight most
‘vigorcusly, We cannot remsin ignorant or indifferent to the workings of race. and
clnax under this system, 20 that oppressed workers remain victimized. Ror years,
Blacks have been "first hired, first fred" by Capitallt industry. Further, sealcrity”
systems have engaged in open racial discrimination, and are litte more than white Job
trusts. Blacks have even beer driven oat of whole inéustrie, such as eoal mining. Yet
the white Inbor bosses have never objected or intervened on behalf of their class
brothers, nor will they if not pressed up against the wall by white workers.
AAs pointed out there are material incentives to this white worker opportunism: better
Jobs, higher pay, ireproved living conditions in white communitles, ein short what
hhas come to be known as the" white middle class Ifestyle” This is what labor and the
Teft hnve always fought to maintain, not ciass solidarity, whick would mecssstate a
struggle against white mupremacy. This lifestyle is based on the super-explotation of
the non-white sector of the domestic working class as well as countries exploited by
Inperiatisoy around the world.
Jn America, class antagonism bas always included racial hatred as an essential
component, but it is structural rather thas just ideological. Since all of the
institations, the culture, and the socioecanamié system of TS. Capitalism are based
om white supremacy, how then is it possible to truly fight the rule of Capital without
being forced to defent white supremacy? The dual-er economy of whites on top and
Blacks on the bettom (even vith all the class differences among wiltes has
‘successfully resisted every attempt by radical social movements. These reluctant
reformers Ihave danced arcund the issue, While winning reforms, ln many eases
primarily for white workers only, these white radieals have yet to topple the system
and open the road to social revoletion,
The fight against white skin privilege slso requires the rejection of the vielous
identification of North Americans as “white” people; rather then as Welsh, German,
Iish, ete. as their national origi. This “white race” designation ise cantrived super~
nationality designed to inflate the social importance of European ethnics and to enlist
them as tools in the Capitalist system of exploitation. In North Americs; white skin
has slways implied freedom and privilege: freedom to gain employment, to travel, to
obtain social mobiiity out of one’s born class standing, and a whole world of
Eurocentric privileges. Therefore, before x social revolution can take place, there
must be an abolition of the sociel eategory of the "white race.” (with few exceptions
in this exeny, Iwill begin referring to them ne "North Ameriems.")
These “white” people mast engage in class suicide and race treachery before they can
truly be accepted 15 alles of Binck and nationally oppressed workers; the whole tex
behind a “white r2ce" is conformity and making them aceamplices te mais, murder
and exploitation. If white people do not want fo be saddled with the historia legacy
of colonialism, slavery and genocide themselves, then they siust rebe! ngsinst it. So
the “whites” must denounce the white identity and its system of privilege, and
us atruggle to tedefine themselves and their relationship with others, As t
white society, (through the State which says it

Ba
cting in the name of white-people),
continues to éppress and deminate all the institutions of the Black community, racial
tension will continue fo exist, snd whites generally will continue to be seen ss the
enemy.

‘So what do North Americans start to do te defent racial opportunism, whiteakin

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prisileges and other forms cf white supremacy? First they mast break down the walls
separating thom fom their non-white ais. Then together they msl wage 8 fight
against inequality in the workplace, communities, and fa the social order. Yet it no!
at the democratic rights of Aflcan people we are referring to when we are talking
boat "rational oppression." If that were the whol issue, then maybe more reforms
could obiain racial and social equality. But no, thats nat what we ae talking about.
Blacks (or Africans in America) are colosized. America isa mother country with an
internal colony. For Africans in America, our situation i one of total oppression. No
‘rly free unl they can detetmiue their own destiny. Ours Is a apive,
oppressed colonial status that must be overthrown, not just smashing ideol
‘acm or denial of evil rights. In fact, without smashing the internal coloay first
means the likelihood of a continuance af this oppression in another form, We must
destroy the social dyatmic ofa very real existence of America being made up of a8
opprestar white nation and an oppressed Black aatloa, (In fact there are severdl
captive rations). iS
‘Vhls requires the Black Liberation movement to liberate a colony, and this is why itis
not just a simple matter of Rlaca just joining with white Anarchist t fight the same
type of batt against the State. That is also why Anarchists cannot take a rigid
position ageint all forms of Black natiosaliam (especially revolutionary groups like
the Black Panther Party), even if there are ideclogical differences about the way some
of them are formed and operate, ButNorth Americans must support the objectives of
racially oppressed liberation movements, and they must diretly a tnd reject,
‘white akin privilege. There is no other way and there is a shortcut; white supremacy
fs a huge stumbling block to roveluionary aoclalcheage in Nerth America:
‘The Black Revolution and ether national iberatian movements ia North America are
Indispensable paris of the overall Secial revolution. North American workers must
join with Africas, Latinos and others fo reject racial injustice, Capitalist
exploitation, and satienal oppression. North Americas workers certainly have an
Important role i belping those siruguls fo iumph. Maerlal ald alone, which can be
astembled by white workers for the Black revolution, could dictate the victory or
defeat of that struggle ats particular stage,
am tang time to explain allthis, necause predictably some Anarchist purisie will
try to argue me dewn that baving a white movement is good thing, that Blacks and
other oppressed natonsltis just need to climb aboard the "Anarchist Good Sbip” (a
ship of fools?) and all ofthis is just “Marais national liberation nonsense.” Well, ws
‘now part ofthe reason for an Anarchist anti-racist movement is to challenge this
canvinist perspective right in the middle of our own movement. An Anarchiet Ant
‘Racist Federation would not exist just to fight Nazis. We need to challenge and
correct racist and doctrinaire positions ou race aud class within our movement If we
canot do that, then we cannot organize the working class, Black or white, nd are of
nose to anyone,

Avarchisin and Black Revolution — Part 2

WHERE IS THE BLACK STRUGGLE AND WHERE
SHOULD IT BE GOINGP

Some — usually comfortable Black middle cliss professionals, politicians or

businessmen who rode the 1960s Civil rights movement inta power or prominence —

willsay thereis no longer any necessity to struggle in the streets during the 1990s for

Page 10
Black freedom. They say we have “arrived” and are now "almost free." They say our
only struggle now is to “integrate the money," or win wealth for themselves and
members of their social ends, even though they give lip service to "empowering the
poor.” Look, they say, we enn vote, our Black faces are all over TV in commercials
and situation comedies, there a¥e hundreds of Black millonaires, and we have
political representatives in the halls of Congress and Stale houses sll over the and. Jn
fact, they say, there sre currently over 7,000 Black olected officials, several of whom
preside pver the Inrgest cities in tie nation, and there i even x governor of a Southern,
state, who is an African-American, That's what they say. But does this tll the whole
story?
‘The fact 's we are in m1 bad or even worte 2 shape, economically and politically, as
‘when the Civil rights movement began in the 1950s. One in every four Black males
are In prison, on probition, parole, or under arrest; at feast one-third oF more of
iack Fanity units are now single parent familles mired in poverty; unemployment
hovers at 18-25 percent for Black communities; the drug economy is the number one
employer of Bleck youth; mast substandard housing units are alll concentrated in
lack neighborhoods; Blacks nnd otfier non-whites suffer from the worat health care;
ack communitiesare still underdeveloped beciuse of racial discrimination by
ipa! governments, mortgage companies and banks, who “redline” Black
‘borkoods from receiving community development, housing and small business
loans which leefi our communities poor. We alto suffer from marderous acts of police
brutality by racist cops which has resulted in thousands of dexths and wounding; and
internecine gang warfare resulting tn numerous youth homicides (and a great deal of
arief), But what we suffer from most and what encompasses all ofthese ills is that fact
tht we are ax oppressed people— in facta colonized people subject te the rule of-an
oppressive government. We really ave na rights under this system, except that which
sve lave fought for and even that is now in peril. Clearly we need m new mass Black
protest movement to challenge the government and corporations, and eaproprinte the
funds needed for our communities to survive.
Yet for the past 25 years the revolutionary Black movement has beta on the
defensive. Due to cooptation, repression and betraysis of the Bleck Liberation
‘movement of the 1960, today's movement has suffered a series of setbacks and hat
now become static in comperison. Thia may be because it just now getting its stufT
together after being piommeled by the State's police agencies, and also because of the
Internal polttical contradictions which arase in the major Black revolutionary groups
like the Binck Panther Party, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNC or
"anick’ a4 it was called in’ those days), and the Lesgue of Revolutionary Black
Workers. I believe all were factors that fed to the destraction of the 1960s" Black left
in this country. Of course, many blame this period of relative inactivity in the Black
movement on the Inck of forcefu feeders in the mold of Msleoim X, Martin Lather
King, Marcus Garvey, ete, while other people blame the "fact" the Black masses
have: allegedty become “corrupt arid avatheti.” dr just ert the “correct
revolittisnary line,
‘Whatever the true frets of the matter, it ean clearly be seen that the goverament, the
Capitalist corporations, and the raclst ruling class are expiciting the current
‘wenkness and confusion of the Black itovement to make an attack on the Black
working class, and are attempting to totally strip the gains won during the Civil
rights era. In addition there is a reaurgence of racism and conservatiam among broad
Inyers of the white population, which is 4 direct result ofthis right-wing campaign,
Clearly this isa time when ye must entertain new teas and new tactics tn the

and

Page it
frvedou struggle.
‘Tae ideals of Anarchism are something new to the Black movement and have never
really been examined by Black and other non-white activist. Put simply, it means the
Deople themselves should rule, not governments, political patties, or ecf-eppointed
leaders in their name. Anarchism also stands for the self-determination of all
reoples, and their right to struggle for freedom by any mesns necessary.

So what road is in order for the Black movement? Continue to depend on
‘opportunistic Democratic hack politicians lile Bil! Clinton or Ted Kennedy; the sane
old group of middle clas sellout “leaders” of the Civil righis lobby; ane,or ansther of
the authoritarian Leainist sects, who insist that they and they alone have the corrict
path to "revolutionary enlightenment" or finally building » grasaroots revolutionary
protest movement to fight the racist goverament and rulers? 1

‘Only the Back masses can finally decide the matter, whether they will be coxteht to
bear the brunt of the current econamie depression and the escalating racist brutality,
or will lead 8 fight back. Anarchists trust the best instincts of the people, and human
ture dictates that where there js repression there will be resistauce; where there is
slavery, there will struggle againet i. The Black masses have shown they will fight,
aud when they organize they will wint

A CALL FOR A NEW BLACK PROTEST
MOVEMENT

‘Those Anarchists who are Black like myself recognize there has to be 4 whole nsw
social movement, which it democratic, om the grassrocts Jevel and is self-activated. It
will be a movement independent of the major political parties, the State and the
‘evernment. It must be 8 movement that, although It seeks o expropriate government
‘maney for projects that benefit the people, does net recognize any progressive role for
he government in the lives ofthe people. The government will not free us, and is part
of tho problem rather than part of the selution. Jn fact only the Black masies
themselves can wage the Black freedom struggle, not 2 government bureaucracy (ike
the U.S. Justice Department), reformist civil rights leaders like Jesse Jacksen, of a
revolutionary vanguard party on their bahall

OF course, at a certain historical moment, a pratest leader can play a tremendous
revolutionary role usa spokesperson for the people's feelings, or even produce correct
strategy and theory for a cerisin period, (Malcolm X, Marcus Garvey, and Martin,
Lather King, Jr, come to mind), and a "vanguard party" may win mass support and
acceptunce among the people for a time (eg, the Black Panther Party of the 19602),
but itis the Black masses themselvey who will make the revelution, and, once set
spontaneously in motou, knowexactly what they want.

‘Though leaders may be motivated ky good or bad, even they will at as a brake on the
struggle, expecially if they lose touch with the freedom aspirations of the Blick
imanses. Leaders can only really serve a legitimate purpose as an advisor and catalyst
tothe movement, and should be subject to immediate recall if they act contrary to the
people's wishes. In taat kind of limited role they are not leaders at all — they are
community organizers,

The dependence of the Black movement on leaders and leadership (especialy ‘the
Black bourgeoisie) has led us into's political dead'and. We are expected to wait and
suffor quiely ust the next messianic leader asserts himself, as if he or she were
"divively mlssioned (as some have claimed to be). What is eves more harmful-is that
many Black people have adopted 2 slavish psychology of "obeying and serving our
leaders,” without considering what they themselves are capable of dcing. Thus,

Page 12

rather than trying to analyze the current situation and carrying en Brother Malcolm

8 work in the community, they prefer to bemoan the bratal ‘acts, for year after
year, af how he was taken away {rom us. Some mistakenly refer to thisas leadership
‘yacuurm.” The fact la there has not been much movement in the Black revolutionary
Imovement since hls assasination and the virtual deatroetion of groupe like the Black

We need to come up with new ideas and revolutionary formations In how to fight our
enemies. We need 2 new mags protest movément. It is up-to tbe Biaek mastes to bulld
it, not leaders or political parties They eaanot save us. We can‘ only save ourselves

WHAT FORM WILL THIS MOVEMENT TAKE?

Uf there was one thing learned by anarchist revolutionary organizers in the 1960s, you
don't organize a mass movement or social revolition Just by creating one central
orgenization such as a vangurrd political party or a labor unlon. Even though
‘Anarchists believe in revolutionary organization, It is a means fo an end, instead of
‘the ends itself. In other words, the Anarchist groups are not formed withthe Intention
of being permanent organizations to seize power after a revolutionary struggle. Brt
rather te be groups which act as a catalyst to revolutionary struggles, and which try
to take the people's rebellions like the 1992 Los Angeles revolt, to « higher level of
resistance,

‘Two feature: of s new mus movement must be the intention of creating ual power
institutions to challeage the state, along with the abiliy to hare a grassroots
autenomist movement that ean take advantage of x pre—revolutionary situation to go
all the way.

Dual power means that you organize a number of collectives and communes in cities
and tow all over North America, which arg, in fact, liberated zones, outside of the
control of the government. Autonomy means that the movement mutt be truly
independent and a free association of all tose united around common goals, rather
‘than membership as the result ¢f some oath or other pressure.

So how would Anarchists intervene in the revolutionary process in Black
neighborhoods? Well, obviously Nerth American or 'white” Anarchist: eanaot go
into Black communities and just preselytize, but they certainly should work with aay
‘non-white Anarehists and hetp them work in communities of exlor. (X de thick that
the example of the New Jersey Anarchist Federation and its loose alliance with the
‘Black Fanther moversent in that state is an example of how we must start) And we
are definitely not talking about « situation where Black organizers go Into the
neighberhocd snd win people to Anarchism so that they ean then be controlled by
‘whites and some party. This ts hort the Communist Party und other Marxist grows
operate, but it eannot be how Anarchists work. We spread Anarchists beliefs not fo
Méake over" people, but te let them know how they can better organize themselves to
fight tyranny and obtain fresdom, "We want to work with them as follow human
beings and allies, whe have their own experienceé, agendas, and needs. The idea isto
get a many movements of people Mghuing the stats as prssibe, siace dhat ly what
‘brings the day of freedom for vs alla little cleser.

‘There needs to he some sort of revelutionary orgentzstion for Anarchists to work on
the focal level, so we will call these local groups Black Resistance Committees, Each
one of these Committes will be Black working class socal revolutionary collectives in
the community to fight for Black rights and freedom as part of the Social revolution
‘The Committees would have no leader or "party boss,” and would be without any

Page {2
{ype of hierarchy structure, it would also be antiauthority. They exist 10 do
‘evolutionary work, and thus are not debating societies or a elub t0 :
politicians te offic. They are revolutionary political formations, which wil be linked
With otter such groups all aver North Ameriea and other parts of the world Ina
larger movement called a federation. A federation is needed or coordinate the actions
‘of rach groups, fo lot others know’ what is happeaing
‘widespread strategy and tactics. (We will cal this one, for wont of a better name, the
‘African Revotudonary Federation," or it can be part of a multicultaral federati
A federation of the sort Iam falling about ism mare mamabership
‘will be demecrafic and made up of all kinds of smaller groups and individuals: But
this is not a government or represeutative system I am talking about; there would be
zo permanent pastions of power, and even the facilitators of internal programs
yrould be subject to immediate recall or have » regular retation of duties; When a
federation is no longer needed, it can be disbanded Try that wit pary
or one of the major Capitalist parties in North Amurical 1

9
REVOLUTIONARY STRATEGY AND TACTICS

Af we are to build» new Black revolutionary protest movement we must isk ourselves
hhow we can hurt this Capitalist system, and how have we hurt it in the pact when we
have led social movements against some aspect of our oppresiion. Boyeotis, mass
demonstrations, rent strikes, picketing, work strikes, sit-ins, und other such protesis
hhave been wed by the Black movement at different times in its hisiory, along with

med self-defense and- open rebellion Put simply, what we need to do is take our
straggle to an new and higher. levels wo netd to take thete tried and true tactic,
(hich bave been used primarily onthe lcal level upto this point), an utilize them on
® natlonal level and then couple them with as yet uatried taclies, fora strategic aac.

(on the major Capitalist corporations and goveramental apparatus. We shall diseuss a
ow of them:

A BLACK TAX BOYCOTT

‘Black people sheuld refuse to pay any taxes to the racist government, including
federal income, estate and sates taxes, while being subjected to exploitation and
brutality. The rich and their ccrporations pay virtually mo taxes; itis the poor and
‘workers wha bear the brunt of taxation. Yet they receive nothing in return There are
sill huge unemployment levels Jn the Black community, the unemploymest and
Welfare benefits are paltry; the schools am dilapidated; public housing isa disgrace,
While rents by absentee landlord properties are exorbitantall these conditions and
More aro suppasedly corrected by goyerament taxation of income, goods, and
services, Wrong! It goes to the Fentagon, defense contractors, and greedy consultant,
whe like valtures prey on business with the government,
The Black Liberation movement should establish 4 macs tax resistance mavesent to
lead a Binck tax boycott as a means of protest and slso as a method to create a fand to
finance black community projects and organizations. Why should we continue to
Yoluatarily support our own slavery? A Black tax boycott is just another means ef
struggle that the Black morement should examine and adopt, which is similar to the
pe ra tax resistance.” Blacks shauld be exempted from all taration
Personal property, Income tates, stocks and bonds (de letter af which woul! bow
‘new type of community development issuance). Tar the Rich!

A NATIONAL RENT STRIKE AND URBAN
SQUAT TING

Page 14

Hand-inglove with a tax boycott should be refusal to pay rent for dilapidated
housing. These rent brycot's have been used to great effect (o fight back against rent
gouging by landlords. At ene time they were 20 effective in Hinrlem (NY) that they
caused the creation of rent control legislation, preventing érctions,umjastified price
‘mereases, and requiring reasonable upkeep by the owners and the property
‘management company, A mass movement could bring « rent strike te areas (euch =
in the. Southeast and Southwesl where poor people are being ripped ef by the greedy
landlords, but are not familiar with auch tactics. Unfair lews now o3 the books, 3¢-
called Landlord -Tensat (where the only “right” the terants have is to pay the rent oF
be evicted) should also be liberalized or overturned entirely. These laws only help
slumlords stay in business, and keep exploiting the poor atd working clnes They
account for mass evictions, which in turn account for komelesaness. We should fight
to rollback rents, prevent mast evietions, and house the poor and the Komeless In
decent affordable places. 2°
Beskles the retwal to pay the slimlords and exploitative banks and property
‘management companies, there should be «campaign of “urban squatting” to Just
take over the housing, ard have the tenants run it democratically 25 a beusing
collective. Then that money which would have gone trward rent could now go into
repairing the dwelling of tenants. The homeless, poor-persons needing affordable
hooting, and others who badly need housing should just take ever any abandoned
housing owned by an absentee landlord or even 1 bearded-up city touting project.
Squatting is an especiaily good tactic in these times of serious housing shortages and
sarson-for-insurance by the slumlords. We should throw the bums out and Just take
over! Of course we will probably have to fight the cope and crcoked landlords who
‘ill try to uae strong armed tacts, but we can do that toe! We can win significant
victories If we-organize a untionwide series of rent strikes, and build an independest
tenants movement that will self- manage all the faclitie, not on behalf of the
government (with the tricky "Kemp plan"), hut on behalf ofthemmelvest

A BOYCOTT OF AMERICAN BUSINESS

Le was proven that ont of the strangest weapons of the Clvil rights ovement was a
Black consumer boycott of a community's merchants and public services. Merchants
and other businessmen, of course, are the "leading citizens" of any community, and
the focal ruling class and boss of the government. In the 1960s when Black refused fo
trade with merchants ns long as they allowed racial discrimination, their Tose of
revenue drove them tomake concessions, and mediate the struggle, even held the cops
and tlie Klan at bay. What is tru at the focal fevel fs certalnly true at the ational

* level. The major corporations and elite families rux the country; the goverarnent is iis
mere tool. Blacks spend over $350 billion m year in this, Capitalist ezonomy «3
consumes, and could just ns easily wage econamile warfare against the corporate
structure with a well plarned boycott to win politcal concessions. For Instance, a
corporation ike General Motors Is heavily dependent upoa Blsék,consumes, which
mesns that it is very vulnerable to = boycott, if one were orgasized and supported
widely. If Blacks would refuse to buy GM cars, it would reselt in significant losses fer
the corroration, to the ture of hundreds of millions of dofars. Something Tike this
could even bring a company to its knees. Yet the revolutionary wing of the Black
movement hae yet to'use beyeots;eallingit "seformism' and outdated
‘But far from being an outdated tactic that we should abandon, boycotts have become
even more effective In the Jest few years. In 1968, the Black and progressive
‘movement in the United States bit.on another tactic, boycotting the tourist industries

Page 15
cf whole cities and states which eagaged in discrbminatiou, This reflect om Ue one
hand how many cities have gone from smokestack industries since the 1960: to
‘turism at their major source of revenue, and on the other hand, a recognition by the
movement that economic warfare was a pofeat weapon against discriminatory
fovernments. The 1990-1993 Black Boycott against the Miami Flerida tourism
industry and the current Gay rights boycott against tho State of Colorado (sarted in
1992) have been both successful and have gotten worldwide attention to the problems
in thetr communities. In tact, boycotts have been expanded to caver everything from
California grapes, beer (Coors), 2 certain brand of Jeans, all products maie in the
country of South Africa, a certain meat industry, and many things in between.
Bayestts are more popular today than they aver have been Zl
Dr. Martin Lather King, Jr. recogtized the potential revolutionary power of a
sion! Black boycott af America’s major corporations, which is why he established
“Operation Breadbasket" shortly before sn assassin killed him. This organization.
with offices in Chicago was designed to be the conduit for the funds that the
corporations were going to be forced to pour money into for a national Black
community development project for poor communitiss. And although he was
ssrasiinated before this could happen, we must continue his work in this matter. All
sver the country Black Boycott offices should be opened! We should build it into a
mass movernent, involving all sectors of our people. We should demonstrate, picket,
and sit-in at meetings and offices of target corparations all over the country We must
‘ake it to their very doorstep and stop their looting of the Black community.

A BLACK GENERAL STRIKE

‘Because of the role they play in production, Black workers are potentially the most
Powerful sector of the Black community in the struggle for Black freedom. The vast
majority of the Black community is working class people. Barring the
disproportionste numbers of unemployed, about 11 mill Black men and women are
today part of the work foree of the United States. About 5 -6 million of these are in
uusic Industry, such as steel and metal fabrication, retail trades, food production and
processing, meatpacking, the aulomobile industry, railroadiag, medical service and
communications. Biacks number U3 to U2 of the basic blue-collar worlers, and 1/3 of
clerical laborers. Riack labor is therefore very importaatto the Capitalist economy.
Because of this vulnerability to job actions by Black workers, wio are some of the
‘most militant workers onthe Job, they could take a leading role ina protest campaign
against racism and class oppression If they are properly organized they would be a
slass vanguard within our movement since they are at the point of production. Black
workers could lead a nationwide Geseral Striks at their plice of work as a protest
‘against recial discrimination in jobs and housing, the inordinstely high levels of Black
unemployment brutal working conditions, and to further the demands of the Black
movement generally. This general strike is a Soéisist strike, not just a strike for
higher wages and over general working conditions; tis revolutionary in politics using
other means. This gonsral strike cau fale the form of industrial sabotage, factory
sceupations or siting, work slowdowns, wildeats, ahd other werk stoppages as 2
protest to gain concessions on the local and national level and restructure the
Workplace and win the 4-hour day for North American labor. The strike would not
only invalve workers on the Job, but also Biack community and progressive groups to
ive suppart with picket line duty, leafleting and publichin
Newsletters, demonstrations at company offices and ork sites,
wetlvities.

Page 16

At will take some serious community and workplace organizing to bring a general
strike off. In workpiaces all over the country, Black workers should organize General
Strike Committees at the workplaces, and Back Strike Support Committees to carry
on the strike work inside the Black community itelf. Reeaute such w strike would be
especially hard-fought and vicious, Black workers should organize Worker's Defense
Committees to defend workers fired or black listed by the bosses for thelr industrial
organizing work. This defense committee would publicize a:
and rally support from other workers and the commonity, The defense committer
would also establish, a Labor strike and defense fund and abo start feod cooperative
to financially and materiat support such victimized workers and their families while
carrying on the strike. 22
Although there will definitely be an attempt to involve women and white qworkers;
where they are willing to cooperate, the strike would be under Black leadership
because only Binck workers can effectively raise those issues which most elfect them.
‘White workers have te support the democratic rights of Blacks and other nationally
oppressed laborers, instead of just white rights camptigns” on so-called "common
economic Issues," led by the North American left. In addition to progremive North
American individuals or union caucuses, the Inbor anion locals themselves should be
‘recruited, but they are not the force to lead this strugele, although their help ean be
Indispensable in 2 particular eampaign. Ii takes major organizing to make them break.
free of their racist and conservative mature. So slthough we want and need the
support of oer fellow workers of other nationalities and genders, it f ridiculous and
condescending to just tell Black workers to sit around and watt for a "white workers
vanguard” to decide it wants to fight. We will educate otr fellow workers to the
{issues and why they should fight white supremacy at our side, but we will not defer
‘our stroggle for anyene! WE MUST ORGANIZE THE GENERAL STRIKE FOR
BLACK FREEDOM!

THE COMMUNE: COMMUNITY CONTROL OF THE
BLACK COMMUNITY.

“How do we rsiso a new revolutionary consciousness against a system programmed
against our old methods? We must use 2 new approsth and revolutionize the Black
Central City Commune, and slowly provide the people with the incestive to fight by
allowing them to create programs, which will meet all their social, political, and
economic, needs. We must fil the vacttas left by the established order... In retura,
we must teach them the benefits of our revolutionary ideals. We must boild
subsistence eeogemy, and a sociopolitical infrastructure so that we can become an
‘szample for all revolutionary people"... Ceorge Jackson, in his book BE,

‘The idea behind 1 mass commune is to create a dual power structure a3 a counter fo
the government, under conditions, which exist now. In fatt, Anarchists believe the
first step toward self-determinstion and the Soci revolution is Black control of the
Black community. This means that Black people most form and snify their own
orgnntzations of struggle, ake control of the existing Black communities and all the
institutions within them, and conduct 1 consistent fight to overcome every form ef
economicy political and cultural servitude, aad any system of racial and ciass
‘inequality which is the product of this racist Capitalist society.

‘The realization of this aim means that we can build inner-city Communes, which will
be centers of Black counter-power and social revehutionary caltare agninst the white
Political power structures in the principal eitis of the United States. Once they
assume hegemony, such communes would be an nclualsltornative to the State and

Page 17

serve at a force to revolutionize African people-and by extension-large segments of
Anserican seciety, which could not possibly remain immune to thie process, It would
serve as a living revolutionary example to North American progressives and other
‘oppresved nationalities, Pt
‘There is tremendous fighting power in the Black community, bu it isnot organized in
a structured revolutionary way to effectively strugele and take what is due. The white
Cepitalist ruling class recognizes this, which is why it pushes the fraud of "Black.
Cepitalism and Black politicians and other such “responsible leaders. These fakes
aund sellout artis lend us to the dead-end road of voting and praying for thut which
‘we must really be wilting to fight for. The Anarchists recognize the Commune as the
primary organ of the new society, and as an alternative (o the old society. But the
Anarchists also recognize that Capitalism will nat give up without » fight; it will be
‘necesserily to economically and politically cripple Capitalist America. One thing for
sure We should not continue to passively allow this system ta exploit and uppress us,
‘The commune is a staging ground for Black revolutionary struggle. For instance,
‘Back people should refuse to pay taxes to the racist government, should boycott the
Capitalist corporations, should lead a Black General Strike all over the country, and
should engage in an insurrection to drive the police out and win a liberated zone. This
‘would be a powerful method v obtain submassion to the demands of the movement,
ard weaken the power of the state, We can even force the government to make money,
available for community development a5 a concession; instead of as a payoff to buy-
‘out the struggle as happened in the 1960s and thereafler. If we put 2 gun to a
ker's head and said "Yore know you've got the money, now give it up," he would
lave o surrender. Now the question is; if we did the same thing to the government,
using direct action means with an insurrecticnary mass movement, would these would
both be acts of expropriation? Or is it jst to pacify the community why they gave us,
the money? One thing for sure, we definitely need the money, and however we compel
from the government, is of less important than the fact that we forced them to give
it up to the people's forces at all. We would they use that money to rebuild our
communities, maintin our organizations, and care for the needs of our people. It
‘ould be a major concession, a vietory.
[But we have also got to realize that Afticans in America are not simply oppressed by
force of arms, but that part of the moral authority of the state comes from the mind of
tke oppressed that consent to the right o be governed. As long as Black people believe
that some moral or political authority of the white government has legitimacy in their
ves, that they owe'a duty to this nation as citizens, or even that they are responsible
for their own oppression, then they cannot effectively fight back. They must free their
‘minds of the ideas of American patriotism and begin to see themselves as a new
people. This cas only be accomplished under Jual power, where the patriotinm of the
[rope for the state is replaced with love and support for the new Black commune. We
do thet by making the Commune real thing in the day-to-day lives of ardinary
people.
‘We should establish community councils to make policy decisions and administer the
affuirs of the Black community. These councils would be democratic neighborhood
assemblies composed of representative elected by Black workers in various
‘community inatitutions-faetories, hospitals schools-as well as delegates elected on
block basis. We must reject Block Mayors and other politicians, or government
bureaucrats, as a substitute for community power. We must therefore have
community control of all tie institutions of the Black community, instead of Just
letting the State decide what is gocd for us. Not just jobs and housing, but also full

Page 18
contro} over schools, hospitals, welfare cents, libraries, ete, must turned over to that
community, beenuse only the residents of a community have a true understanding of
its needs and desires. 2
Hiere is an example of how it would work: we would eleet a community council to
supervise all schcols in the Black community. We would encourage parents, students,
tenchers, and the community at-large to work cooperatively in every phate of achoot
administration, rather than have an authority figure lke a principal and his/her
‘uncaring bureaucratic administration run things as are done at present. The whole
Black community will have to engage in-a militant struggle to take over the publle
“schools and turn them inte centers of Black culture and learning, We cannot eontinee
{to depend on the racist or Black puppet school bosrds fo do this for us,

‘The local council would then be fadgrated, or Jolned together, om a local level to
create 4 citywide group of coimeils whe would run affairs in that community. The
counetts nnd other neighborhoods collectives organized fora variety of reasons would
mske a mass commune, This cortmune would be In turn federated at the regional and
national level the aim being to create a national federation of Black commanes, which
would meet periodically in ene or « number’ of mass assembly mectings. This
federation would be composed of elected or appointed delegates representing their
focal commune or counell Such a national federal of commanss would allow
‘community councils from all aver North Amerie to work out common policies and
spank with one voice on all matters affecting their communities or regions. It would
thes have fr more power than any single community council could However, to
prevent this national federation from bureaveratic usurpation of power by political
factions or opportunistic tenders, elections should be Nelé regularly and delegates
‘would be subject to recall at any time for misconduct, so that they remain under the
contro! of the local communities they represent

‘The Black community councils are really type of graseroots movement made up of
all the social formations of cur people, the bleck and neighborhood committees,
Labor, student and youth groups, (even the church, fo a Tlmited degres), social activist
groups, and others to unite the various protest actions around a common program of
struggle for this period. The campaigns for this perlod must utilize tl
direct mass action, as itis very important that the people themselves must realize a
sense of their organized power. These grassroots aocistions will previde to the
usually mass spontaneous actions, « form of organization whose social base i of the
Black working class, instend ofthe usual Black middle cass mis-enderahip.

The Anarchists recogntée these community council as being a form of direct
democracy, instend of the type of phony American “democracy,” which Is really
nothing but contro! by politicians and businessmen. The councils art especialy
important because, they provide embryonic self rate and the begin
alternative fo the Capitalist economic system and its government JI is a way to
undermine the government and make ian irrelevant dinesnur, Decause fts services
fre no longer needed

The Commune is also x Hinck revolutionary counterculture. It is the embryo of the
new Binck cevolutlonary soclety in the body of the old alck, dying ane. Tt is the mew
Nfestyls in microcosm, which contains the new Black social values and the mew
communal organizations, nnd institutions, which will become the sociopolitiel
infrastructure ofthe free society.

‘Our objective 1s to teach new Biack socinl values of unity and struggle against the
negative effects of white Capitalist society aud culture. To do that we most build the
‘Commune into a Black Censciotisness movement fo build race pride and respect, race

Page19

‘awareness and to struggle against the Capitalist slave masters. This Black
communalism would be both « repository of Black culture and ideology. We need to
change both our lives and our lifestyles in order to deal with the meny laterpersonsl
antradictions that exist in our community. We could examine the Black family,
Black malefemale relationships; the meutal health of the Black community, relations
between the community and the white establishment and among Black people
themseives. We would hold Black consciousness raising sessions in schools,
community centers, prisons and in Black communities all ever North America-which
would teach Black bistory and culture, new liberating social ideas and values to
children and adults, ax wall at counseling and erapy techniques to resolve family
‘and marital problems, all the while giving a Black revolutionary perspective to the
iswoes of the day. Our people must be made to see that the self-tatred, disunity,
distrus, internecine violence aad ogprestive social conditions among Black people arc
{he Fesult of the legaty of African slavery and the present day effects of Capitation,
Finally the main objective of Black revolutionary culare ts to agitate and organize
‘Black people to struggle for their freedom. 23"
‘AsSteve Biko, the murdered Scuth African revolutionary, bas been quoted ai saying:
{ihe call for Black consciousness isthe most positive call to come from ally group in
the Black world for a long time, It is more than just a reactionary rejection of whites
by Blacks... At the heart of this kind of thinking is the realization ty Black that the
‘mest potent weapon ia the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed Once
the Intier has been s0 effectively manipulated and controlled try the oppressor as to
make the oppressed believe that he is 2 liahility to the white man, then there iy
nothing the oppressed can da that will really scare the powerful masters... The
Philosophy of Black conscioumness, therefore expresses group pride and the
tletermination by Blacks to rise up and attain t 3
By the “envisaged sel," Biko refers to the Black self, a liberated psyche. It is that
Which we want to rescue with such a Black conse went herein America,
We need to counter Black selt-hatred’and the frivoleus "party mentality. We alsp
Want to end the tocil degradation of our community, and rid it of drug addiction,
restitution, Black-on-Black crime, and other sccial evils that destroys the moral
fiber of the Black community, Drugs and prostitution are mainly controlled by
organized crime, and protected by the police, who accept bribes and gifts from
Sngsters, These negative socal values, the so-called "og-eat-dog" philosophy of the
Capitalist system teaches people to be individualiss of the worst sort. Willing to
onmit any kind of crime against exch other, and to take advantage of each other
‘This oppressive culture is what we are fighting. As long as it exists, it will be hard to
unify the people around a revolutionary political program.

BUILDING A BLACK SURVIVAL PROGRAM.

But there must aso be some way to ensure their economic survival in addition to
Providing new cultural role modelt 11 is then when the Commune, a networle of
Community organizations and institations, assumes its greatest importance. We will
build sociopolitical infrastructure to intervene in every area of Black lft: food aad
housing cooperatives, Black Liberation schoole, people's banks snd community
‘mutual sid funds, medical clinies and hospitals, rodent control and pest extermination
Programs, cooperative faotoris, community cultural and eatertaininent ceiors the
stablishment of an intercommunal electronic communications network, lard and
building reshunavlon projects, public works brigndes to rebuild the cities, youth
Projects, drug clinics, end many other such programs.

Page 20
AN these programs satisfy the deep needs of the Black community, but they are not
‘olations to our problems, because althongh we ean build asurvival economy now, we
hhave to realize it wll take. social revolution to overthrow Capitalism and obtain full
economic self-sufficiency. But they will help us to ergaaize the Black community
around a true analysis and wndersiand of their situation. This is why they are called
‘survival programs, mesning surviving under this system pending a socal revolution,
Building consciousness and revolutionary culture misins taking on realistic day-to-
day issues, like hunger, the need for clothing and housing, foblesoness, transportation
and other issues, 11 means that the Commune must 1 i the vacuum where people are
not being properly fed dothed, provided with adequate medical treatment or are
othermise being deprived of basic needs. 26
Contrary to the rhetoric of some leftist groups, this will not rake people passive or
just dependent'on us, Rather than struggling ageinst the government and demanding
‘hose things, It inspires confidence in the revolutionary forces and expeses the
{government as uncaring and incompetent. That is more of an incentive for the people
to revolt and overthrowa the government than baling politcal pep rallies, glving
speeches, running for pablic office, and publishing manifestss and resolutions oF
party newspapers and other garbage (that no one.reads but their own members), like
most Binck und radienl groups do wor

‘We need a new way of confronting our oppressed situation, We need to unite out
people to fight, and to do that we need to educate, agitate and organize. That's the
only way we'll win a new world. What follows it an example of the and of survival
program I mean:

41. We must have community control ofall businesses and financial institutions Ipeated
in our communities, and for those businesses not working in our best interests or not
returning somé of its revenue back to the community, we will seive said businesses
1nd turn them into community cooperatives and mutual ald basking soclatics,
2, We must have community control of all housing and major input in all community
planning of Binck communities. If a piece of property or house is owned by 2
slumlord (sither a private Realtor or government agency), we will seize it and turn i
into community housing cooperatives. We oppose Urban Renewal, sputi
‘decomposition, yuppie gentrification and other such racist schemes to drive us out of
the cities. W must have complete control of all planning boards affecting and
concerning the Black community. To enforce these demands, we should lead rent
strikes, demonsteations, armed actions and arban squatting to drive landlords out
and take-over the property.

4. We must have an independent self-sustaining economy to guarantee full
‘employment for all our people. We demand that the U.S. government provide
econcmie nid to rebuild the cities. The gorernment spends billions per year for the
Fentagon killing machine, Atleast that amount should beredirected to meet the needs
of America's oppressed communities. Ghetto housing must be rebuilt and turned over
to the occupants. Adequate jobs an services must be provided to all cemmunity
residents including first preference for all construction Jobs In the Black community,
‘when public works brigades are assigned to rebuild the cities. We must fight for
Biack grassroots contrel of all goverament funds allocated to the Black cemm
through a network of matual aid banking societies, community development
corporations, and community development credit unions.

4. Reparations: the Big Payback. The United States government and the rich class of

Page Zi
this couatry has stoles and oppressed Africans in this continent for decades. ‘They
‘worked our ancestors as slaves, and after slavery they continued to oppress, murder
and exploit our people, on down to the present day. We must build a mass movement
‘n our communities to compel the government and the rich to provide the means for
our community redevelopment. They awe us for centuries of abuse aud robbery! We
‘must demand that reparations, in the form of community development money and
other funds, be provided ard placed in credit unions, cauperatives, and otter mutual
aid institutions in the Black community, so that we ean star! to cbtain some measure
of economic seif sufficiency. Yet we know that they won't give the money to us. We
rust fight them for it, just like we must struggle to averturn the system of wage
slavery today, 2

5. End police brutality. We must organize self-defense units to protect the Black
community and its organizations, and remove the State's police farces. We demand
criminal prosecution and jailing of all brutal or Killer cops. No jurisdiction for the
‘State's judicial system in Binck liberated zones.

6. We must undertake a large-scale program to ple as doctors, nurses
and medical paraprofessionals {a order to make free quality medical and dental care
available to Black people. We must deimind that the government subsidize all such
medical and dental training, as web as for the operation of clinics, but Black people
themselves must establish and run the free medical clinics in ali Black communities

Whether urban or rural. This would include community anti drug programs and drug
ehabilitatiog clinics,

7. We must establish » Black eommunity-controlled food system for self-sufficiency
and as A way of fighting to end hunger and malnutrition, including a trackiog
network, warchoases, communal farms, farmers’ covperatives, food cooperatives,
agricultural unioas, and other collective associations, ‘This will include a protest
campaign challenging the theft of Black farmland by agribusiness corporations and
rich white “land barons" and reclaiming it for our projects. This is especially
important now that the U.S. has entered an econcmic crisis that will not be able
Provide for our needs. We must force the goverament to provide the money for mary
of these projects, to be administered under our total contrel, instead of by &
‘government sgency.

8. The Black community must have control of its entire educational system from the
nursery school through college, We mutt establish a Wlack Liberation educational
system which meets the training needs of Black children, prepares them for job
‘raining and future eeanomic security, service to their community, and gives thein 2°
knowledge of themselves and an understanding of the true history aud culture of
African people; as wel as a program of adult education for community people whose
carler educations! opportunities have been stunted We should demand free higher
eelucation for Blacks and other minorities st full government expense, including
remedial training programs for all who wish te qualify.

9. We must demand and fight for the release of all Black political prisoners and
Victims of racial injustice, we must investigate and review the cases of all such
Prisoners who ure the victims of government political repression and racist frame.
Uups, and lead a mass campaign for their release. Some of our best revel
organizers are rotting away in the prison houses of this lind.

10, The central demand Is for Black control of the Black community, it politics and
economy. We have to take over the cities, establish municipal communes, and exercise

‘onary

self-government, as a vtnl step. We are the majority in many of the major elles of
{his country ad we should be able to control our own affairs (or at feast obiain some
‘utonomy), but as we should now be aware we won't ever get this community aoelal

“ power by voting for some Bltck Capialist politician, or from passively depending for
"salvation" on lenders of one sort or smother. We have to do it ourselves if we are to
ever get on the rond to freedom. 2F
THE NEED FOR A BLACK LABOR FEDERATION

‘The demand for Black Inbor has been the central economte factor in America; Ht was
Biaek labor that butt the foundations of this nation, Beginning with slave labor in the
Old South on plantations, then with shareeropping and other farm tabor afer the
Civil war, successive migration io the North snd working mills, mine and factories
during a 40 year period (1890- 1920), and on down to the present day, Black labor is
impertant (o the functioning of the Capitalist economic order, Almost from the
beginning, Black workers have organized their ewn Labor unions and worker's
associations to represent thelr interests: the National Colored Labor Union in 1869,
the national Colored Farmer's Alliance (Populist) in the same year, the Brotherhood
of Sleeping Car Porters in the 1940s, the lengue of Black Revolutionary Workers in
he 19606; the United Consiructlon Workers Association and the Black and Peerto
Riem Cealition of Construction Workers in the 1970s, and on down to the present
day with such unions or associations as the Black Workers for Justice and the
Conltion for Binck Trade Unionists. Some of these were unions, seme were just
associations of Black workers in existing unions. (NOTE: In addition to Black
‘orgmized or led labor federations in the 1870s, there vere 90,600 Black workers In
the Knights of Labor in the 1880s and at least 100,000 in the Industrial Workers of
{he World (AWW) in the 19003,

Jin fret, the trade unions would not even exist today if it were net for the assistance
and support of the Black worker. Trade snionism was born as an effective national
‘movement amid the grent convulsions of the Civil War and the fight to end slavery,
yet Black workers were routinely excluded from unions like the American Federation
Of Labor, Only militant associntions ike the Knights, LWW and the Anarchist.
initinted International Working People's Astocintion (EWPA) would accept their
memberships at al, This continved for many years, until the founding of the Congress
of Tndusicinl Organizations (C10) be

protest setiors to organize the un:
in these bates, yet hes never fully reaped the benefits. 1n fact, the Labor bosses
betrayed thein when the CIO was beaten down inthe 1950s,

‘You would think that American labor movement would see tas erimbval cr racist to
lignere these fellow workers today in that fashion. But even now there it no labor
organization in the U. S. which gives full representation and equal trestment to Black
‘workers, The fnet ts that even with some Biack Labor efficials in office, Biack
workers receive fir fever union benefits than white workers, and are trapped in the
most low-pnid, tedious and dangerous jobs, even though they made substantial
‘ecoxomic gains during the 19608,

‘The majority of tie Binck masses are in the working class. Becsuse of the role they
play in production, Diack industrial and clerleal workers are potentially the most
powerful secior of the Black community in the struggle for Black liberation. As the
victims of inequality in the economy, Biack workers have already begun to organize
for their interests and protect their rights on the job, even ifthe union is conservative
sand won't fight the boss. They have formed union eaucwses and even independent

Page 23
lier alos where ncsry. OF ou, he uty of Black 288 white wrkes i
inept We coubat aad overina Cini cana te weeks
tow pinged nod iad ara Spree ae Wl rorher re
precede and prepare the ground for any Black-white unity on a broad scale. Black
tac athe Uno oe Beh a tt on boad sal Bch
speraig an requ fete i hc sn na wc nd
have yet t widely support democratic rights for Black and other oppresied
nationalities. Black Caucuses art important. Where they are part of organized labor,
they shal sete denoersne te ens ngee ae tet es
‘Stine le fob eat pcan ce beta ne Heung sts and
demand:

1: Rank an fe denver control ofthe unin, 24

2.Equal rights and treatment for all unionists; eliminate all racist practices in the
labor movement,

3. Affirmative action programs to redress past racist enployment practices, end
‘racial discrimination based on seniority and other ploys.

4. Full employment fer all Blacks, women, and other non-white workers.

5.A 20.30 hour workweek with no reduction in pay.

6. The right to strike, including wildeat strikes without union sanction.

‘7. Speedier and fair, grievance procedures,

8. An escalator clause in all union contracts to ensure automatic wage adjustments to
keep up with the rising cott of living,

9. Full payment of social security by employer and the government. Full
‘unemployment compensation at 100 of base pay.

10, Minimum wages st union seale,

11. Prevent runaway shops, phony bankruptey, or "strategic plant shutdowns" by
‘companies without natice to union or to gain advaatage in contract negotiations,

12, A public works program @ rebuild the Black and other inaer-city communities,
and to provide work for Black workers,

13, Worker's selémanagement of industry by factory committees and worker's
council, cleted by the workers themselves,

In addition to the union caucuses, Black worling people need « uational Black,
‘workers astociation, which would be both » revolutionary usion movement to do
Workplace erganizing, bu also would be a mass social movement for community
organizing, Such a movement would combine the organizing tactics to bath the labor
and Black Liberation movements. It is not designed to drive Blacks aut of these
unions where they are already organized, but would rather serve as a too! to multiply
thelr numbers and strength, and turn thelr unions into militant, class strugzle
instraneuts,

‘The League of Revolationary Black Workers, which organized Black auto workrs
during the late 190s provides an example of the type of organization needed The
League, which grew out of its major affiliate, the Dudge Revolutionary Movement
(DRUM), was undoubtedly the most militant Black Labor movement in American
Nidory. 11 was a Biuck tnbor federation which existed as an organized alternative to
the United Auto Workers, and was the inevitable step of taking the Black Liberation

Page 24
sMruggle fo the industriat shop floor, the point of production, and Capitaliom's most
vulnerable aren. 30
The League bad wisely decided to organize in the Detrolt automobile produetion
Industry. This was an Industry where its workers were an Important pert of the
workforce and also in-the Detroit Black community, where the League united the
struggle in the factories with that of the Biack struggle as a whole. It quickly beeame
1 major force in the workplace and in the streets as many of is cadres organized on
college campuses and in the Black inner-city arens. It had the potential to become m
mass nationwide Biack working class rfovement, but this polential was stifled
through political faction fights among the leadership, lack of» solid orgentzad base In
the factories; companyUAW/and State repression, organized racism and lack of
cooperation among white workers, and other such reavons, Eventually the League
splitinto mutvally hostile fretions and died, after les than five years of existence.
Tver though the League was at best a revolutionary syndicalism organization, and
Inter rigid Marxist-Leninist orgnnization, (ard their adoption of this later
authoritarian ideology, with its ideas of purges and unquestioned leadership, directly
lend to its demine), there is nauch that Anarchisis and radical Black Iaber activists ean
Tear from the Lengue. The main thing is that Black workers can and should be
organizec into some sore of independent Inbor association, in addition to or even in
Yiew of, their membership in organized lator unions ané especially where the unlons
are of the seliout ‘ype and discriminates against Blacks. Abo it is much easier for
Black workers to organize other Black workers and thelr community in support of
strikes ard workplace organizing, That is precisely why we need to establish a group
like the Lengte today, but 25 an Anarcho-Syndicalat organiaation, 30 28 to avoid the
past pitfalls and ideologieal squabbles of Marxism-Leninism- Simply stated what
‘would be the program of a newly formed National Federation of Biack Workers?

1. Fer elaznatruggle agsinat the bosses,

2. To organize the unorganized Black workers ignored by the trade unions

3. For workers solidarity arcong all nationalities of workers.

Itshould be at International Black Labor Federation!

From Detroit, Michigan to Durban, South Africa, from the Caribbean to Australia,
from Brazil te England, Black workers nre universally oppressed and exploited. The
Binck working class needs its own world Inbor organization. There is no racial group
more borne down by sociel restraint than Black workers: they are oppressed as
‘workers and as a people. Because of these dual forms of oppression and the fact that
most trade unions exclude or do net struggle for Black Inborer's rights, we must
organize for our own rights and iberstion. Even though in many African and
Caribbean countries there are "Black" Inbor federations, they are reformist or
government-controlied. There is a Intge working class in mary of these countries, but
‘they have no militant Inbor organizations fo lead the straggle. The building of n Black
workers! morernent for revolutionary industrial nbotage and « general trike, oF
‘organize the workers for self- management of production, and so undermine and
overthrow the government is the number one priority.

‘What would an international Black labor federation stand for? Firsily, since many
Binck workers, farmers, and pessnnts are not organized at all in most countries, such
an organization would be one big union of Black workers, representing every
‘conceivable sil and vocation. Also such an organization mears the worldwide unity of
Black workers, and then, secondly, it means coordinated International labor revolts.
Capital and Labor have nothing in eemmen,

Page 25
‘The real strength of workers against Capital snd the imperialist countries is economi
Warfare. A revolutionary general strike and boycott ofthe multinational corporations
and thelr goods by Black workers all over the globe is how they can be hurt, For
Instance if we want (0 make Britain und the USA withdraw finaacial and military
‘Support from South Africa then we use the weight and power of Black Labor in those
countries to wage strikes, sabotage, boycott and other forms of political and economic
straggle against those countries and the multinational companies involved. Tt would
ber power to be reckoned with. For instance, ecordiaated actions by trade unions
‘and political action groups in that countsy have ulrendy causes major-policy changes,
4 full-Medged general strite would likely lead to thé total economic collapse of the
‘acint South African state, especially if such strikes were supported by Black workers
in North Amerie: 3)

Jn addition to asking the Black workers to form their own international labor
federation and to organize rankc-and-file committees within thelr existing trade unions
‘to push them info-a class atruggle direction, we also invite Black workers to join
Anarcho-Syrdicalst labor organizations like the [WW and the Workers Solidarity
Alliance, the American section of the International Workerst Association, which is
based in Pari Francs. But, of course iti not intended to drive Black workers out of
those unions where they are already active, but would rather serve as a tool to
‘uutiply their number and strength ia such unions, and make them more militant.

UNEMPLOYMENT AND HOMELESSNESS

In the first three months of 1993, the US. Labor Department's Bureau of labor
‘Statistics listad official unemployment rates at about siz million persons or just seven
of the Isbor force. Under Capitalism half that figure is "normal" and nonsensical is
‘considered by Capitalist economists as full employment” even thougi this is millions
of people consigned to economic poverty of the worst sort. But the government figures
‘re intentionally conservative, and do not include those who have given up actively
searching for jobs, the under employed (who can't male eneugh to live ox), the part
time workers (who can't find a full tinie or steady job) and the homeless of which
them are now between3-5 millicn alone.

Of the 6 million people that the government does count as jobless cow, less than 3
milion are given any unemployment compensation or other federal er state ald; the
reat are left to starve, steal or hustle for their survival. A person without « job uader
the Capitalist system is counted as nothing. Every worker has the human right to a
job; yot under Capitalisin, workers are dismissed form employment in times of
business crisis, overproduction, depression or just to save labor casts through less
Workers and more speed-up. And some workers cannot find jobs in the Capitalist
labor market because flack of sills, or racial or social discrimination,

But the government's figures lie, private researchers state that the (otal number of
People who want full ime jobs and thus eannot find them amounts to nearly 143
milion persons, Clearly then this isa crisis situation of broad proportions, but all the
Goverament is doing & juggling and hiding figures. But the figures do show that
Blacks, Latinos, and women are bearing the brunt of the current Uepression The
National Urban League in is "Biden Unemployment Index" (included as part of ite
‘annual "State of Black America” report) reports levels of 15-38 percent for Black
adults 25 and alder and ineredible levels of 44-55% for teens and young adults 17-24
Years. in fact, Black youth unemployment has not declined at all since the 1974-1975
Fecessior, It has slayed at an official level of 35-40 percent, but in the major cities like
Detroit, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Los Angeles, the real unemploymeat rate is more

Page 26

like 70 percent. For Binck youth the unemployment rate is three to five times higher
‘than thet of white youth. Capitalism is making econorae exiles of Biack people as 2
swhole. The fact is that unemployment is concentrated in the Black and Hispanic
communities, and Is greatly responsible for the mest destructive tendencies Inhuman
relations nnd deteriorating elghborhoods. Crime, prostitution, suicide, drug
addiction, geng fighting, mental iflness, alcohotism, and the break up of the Black
family, and cther socis!his-all are rooted in the Inck of jobs and the denial of escential
social services in their communities. It fs nctuslly rectal genocide in the form of eoctal
neglect. 3z
‘Unemployment 1s profitable for the besses becsuse it drives down the wages of
workers and helps the employers to keep the workforce under control through this
“reserve army:of Intor,” which are allegedly slways ready to scab. Because of
pervasive discrimination against Biacla, Latinos and other xationally oppressed
workers, including higher levels unemployment-the jobs they do get art generally on
he bottom rung, This s also profitable for the boss, and divides the working cles.
Homelessness is just the most intensified form of unemployment, where in addition to
lose of job cr income, there is loss of housing and Iack of acctss to social services,
There are now millions of peeple homeless since the last 15 years, because of tl
Capitaist offensive to destroy the unions, beat back the gaint of the clvil rights
struggle,.and do anay vith the affordable housing vector in favor of yupple
‘gentrification inthe cities. You see them in cites, big and sraall, and hat this reflects
is a total breakdown in the Capitalist State's social services system, in adsition to the
heating up of the clas war waged hy government and the major corporations, It
shows, more than anything, that Crpitalism worldwideis undergoing an international
financial panic, and is really In the beginning stages of a world depression. In
addition to the 90 million persons who live below the poverty line and tires to five
million homeless in the US. there are another 2.7 milion homeless in the twelve
nations of the European community, and 80 million people am living in poverty there,
‘with millions more in the Capitalist countries of Japan, Kores and other parts of
Asia. So although Black workers must organize and fight agalust homeless and
tunemphyment in the U.S., clearly there must be sn international movement of
‘workers to fight this economic deprivation, as part of the overall class struggle. In
every city in North America, the Black workers movement shoul organice
‘unemployment councis to fight for unemployment benefits and jobs for the jobless,
the building of decent, affordable low-income housing and an end to homelessuess, a3
wall ns agninst racial discrimination in Jobs and housing, Such counells would be
emocrntic organizations, organize¢ on s neighborhtood basis, (te ensure that it would
bbe under the controt of the people, and egainst infiltration and takeover by liberal or
"endical" political parties, or co-optation by the government), which would be
federated into a citywide, regionsl, ard national organization. That organization
would be # national Black unemployment lengue, to create mass fight back
movement In this depression, It would be made up of Biack conmunity unemployed
council from ali over the country, with delegates elected from all the fecal groups.
Such s national organization could mect to map out a large-scale attack on
‘unemployment, as well ax xerve as.n national clearinghouse on Black unemployment
conditions.

On the focal level in the Binck nelghberhoods, It mould be the community
‘unemployment councils which would establish food and housing cooperatives, lead
rent strikes and squstting, initinte land and building reclamation projects, establish
producer and eonsumer ccoperative, distribute food and clothing, and provide for

Page27

other services: they would establish neighborhood medical clinics for free treatment
of the hemeless and unemployed, rodent control programs, etc., and they would deal
‘with community social problems ( brought on by unemployment ) and other issues of
interest They would build hunger marches and other demonstrations and carry the
people's wrath to various government offices and to the businesses of the rich. Not
‘only would the unemployment councils bs a way of fighting for jobs and
unemployment besefts, but alsa the councils would vay to u obtuin x great deal of
community salf-sufficiemey and direct democrscy, instead of totally depending on city
hhall, Congress or the President, and helps lead to the kind of confidence among the
‘masses that a Black municipal commune becomes a serious possibilty. 3
‘One of the most important functions of an unemployment movement is to obtain ufity
between the employed und unemployed or homeless, aud workers solidarity across
race lines, The employed and unemployed must werk together to struggle against the
‘Boss class if they are te obtain any serious gains during this period of economic crisis.
Workars who aren sirike or protesting against the hoss would he supported by the
‘unemployed, who would even man the picket lines with them and refuse to stab. In
turn the workers would form unemployed caucus iu their trade unious to allow anion
representation of these workers and also force such unions to provide food and other
‘necessities, make funds and training available fo the unemployed, as well as throw the
‘weight of the unions in the fight for decent jobs and housing for all warkers. The
Capitalist bosses will not be moved otherwise. MAKE THE BOSSES PAY FOR
‘THEIR ECONOMIC CRISIS!

Here is what united movement of workers and homeless must demand:

1, Full employmest (zero unemployment) forall workers at union wage,

2. Establishment of a shorter werlcwoek, so that workers would be paid at the rate for
40 hours of work for 20-30 hours a weekon the job.

3: End homelessness, build and make available decent affordable housing for all.
Repeal all foitering, anti-panhandling and other laws against the homeless.

4. End the war budget, and use those funds for decent, low-income housing, better
‘schools, hospitals and clinics, libraries, parks and public transportation.

‘5. End racism and sexism in job opportunities and relief berefits.

6. Jobs or » guaranteed income for sll. :

7. Hull federal and state benefits for unemployed workers and their families,

induding corporate and government funds to pay the bills, rents and debts for any

laid off worker, and unemployment compensation at 10006 of regular paid waze,

lasting the full leagth of a worker's period of unemployment.

8. National minimum wage set at prevailing union entry wage.

9. Government and corporate funds to establish a public works program to provide

jobs (with fall union rights aod wage scale) to rebuild the inner cities and provide

needed social services. ‘The program and its funds should be under the control of
democratically elected from poor and Black neighborhoods, s0 as to avoid

poverty pimps! and rip off job agencias, or goverament bureaucrats.

10, Fres all persons in prison for crimes of economic survival,

‘These, and the demands previously mentioned, are mercly a survival program a

‘agunda for unemployed workers; the real answers Social revolution the elimination

of Capitalism, and workers self-management ofthe economy and society. This is

Page2e
vital first step however. Them would be no unemploymest.or social need for wage
labor in an Anarchist-Commurist society.

CRIMES AGAINST THe PeopLe >

tis the rich whe decide what is or fs not # crime; itis not e.ncutral designation. The
Jaws are written to protect therrich and those whe aet as agents ofthe State, Bat mest
personal crimes art not committed against the rich, they are usually inaccessible, It is
oor and working cltas Black people who are the major vletins of violent erime. The
Black female Is the primary victim of raps and abuse by the Black male in this
country. The Black male kimself isthe leading homictde victim in the U.S. by another
Black man like himself, and sadly our children are among the lending victims of child
abuse, many times by his or her own parents. We do not lice to think of these things
in the Black community, but we are battering and lelling ourselves at am alarming
rate, This is not to deny that the Capitalist social system has crested frustrating,
Acgrading conditions of life that contribute to this brutality and fratricide, but we
‘would be lax in our humane and revolutionery duty If we did not try to correct this
robles on the shorterr, and alse make Black people assume respensibility for our
actions. I am not talking some Black conservative or "law and orde:" garbage here,
but rather recognition of fact that we have 2 problem
‘We have an external and an internel erbis situation facing us In our communkky. The
external crisis it racism and colonialism, which works to systematically oppress us
and Ss responsible for whatever internal crisis there is. The internal crisis is the result
ofan environment where drugs and violence (both social and physical) are rampaat,
and life is sometimes considered cheap, Black-on-Black crimes and internal violexce
are destroying our commnnity. 11 is undoubtedly self-hatre? and the desperate
economic and secial conditions we live under which makes us prey on each other.
Drugs, frustrated rage, prostitation and other vices are symptoms of eppresbion
‘We kill, best, rape and brutalize esch ether because we are in pain ourselves. Thus
‘we are acting out anti-social roles defined for us by someone else, not ourselves. In
‘our pain and confusion we strike out st convenient and farilisr victims; those Ike
‘ourselves Them are erdinary Black people who stesl and rob just to survive under
this system, because ofthat unequal distribution of wealth. Further, for sume of us, In
our desire to "make it" in Capitalist society we will stop at nothing, including
murder. And finally, there are those who do whatever they do because of drug.
adiliction or mental sickness.
‘Whatever the reasons, we have a serious problem that we must remedy because itis
tearing away at the moral and social fabric of our community. It will be Impassible to
unite Black people If they are in fear and hatred of one another. It is also obvious that
tie potice nad government reetfy this probiem and that only the Biack community
can do so. The courts and prison prevent the situation from recurring. Therefore
what ean we do?
Itis the community, through it ows organizations of concern, which will have to‘dzal
‘with, this problem. Community self-managed programs to work with Black youth
members, (@ source of much violence in the community), rather than the
military approach of calling in the cops, empower the community rather than the
racist prison bureaucracy and the cops. Also, the community-run drug rehabilitation
groups, therapy and counseling groups, and sther neighborhood organizing help us to
effectively deal with the problem of internal violenes and hopefully defuse it. Most
‘importantly it involves the community in the effort.
But wecannot totally depend epon counseling or rehabilitation techniques, especially

Page23
‘where them is an imaediate threat of violence or where it has occurred. So, to insure
peace and public security, a Black community guard service would be organized for
this purpose, as well as to protect against the white Power structure. This security
force would be elected by local residents, and would work with the help of people in
neighborhoods. This is the only way It would work. It would aot be an suxiliary of
the current colonial occupation army in our community, and would not thresten oF
{intimidate the community with violence against our youth. Nor would such a
community guard protect vice and organized crime. This community guard would
only represent the community that elected it, instead of city hal. Similar such units
‘would bs orgenized all over the city on a blockcby-block basis. 35°
Yet the Anarchists go further, and say that after a municipal commune is set ip, the
existing courts must te replaced by voluntary community tribunals of arbitration,
and in cases of grave crimes, connected with murder, or offenses agsinst liberty and
equality, special communat court of a non-permanent anture would be set up.
Anarchists believe that antisocial crime, meaning anything thal oppresses, robs, or
does violence to the working class must be vigorously cpposed. We cannot wait until
after the revolution to oppose such dangerous enemies of the people. But since such
antisocial crimes are a direct expression of Capitalism, there would be a real attempt
‘o socialize, politically educate and rehabilitate offenders, Not by throwing them into
‘the white Capitalist prisons to suffer like animale and where, because of their tortur
‘and huniliation, they will declare war on all society, but by invoiving them in the life
‘he community and giving them social and vocational training. Since all the
‘criminology experts” agree that crime is a social problem, and since we know that
‘88 percent of all crimes are against property and are commited in order to survive in
sconamieally unjust society, we must recogaize that only full employment, equal
sconomie opportunity, decent housing aad otter aspects of socisl justice will ensure
nd fo criue, In short, we must have radleal social change to radicate the social
conditions that cause crime, An unequal anfair society like Capitalism creates its own
criminal class, The real thieves and murderers, businessmen and politicians, are
protected under today’s legal system, while the poor are pusished. That is class
justice, and that is whet Social revolution would abolish.
‘But understandably, any persons want to end the rape, marder, and vioience in our
communities today, and wind up strengthening the hands of the State and its police
agents. They will not got rid of crime, but the cops will militarily patrol our
communities, and further turn us against one another. We must say away from that
trap. Frustrated and confused, Black people may attack oze anather, but instead of
condemsing them to a slow death in prison or shooting them down ia the streets for
Fevenge, we must deal with the underlying social causes behind the act.
Anarchists should begin to have community forums on the cause and manifestations
of erimein the Black community. We have to seriously exa
family, sehocls, prisons, jobs, et. that cause us to fuss, fight, rob and kill each other,
athor then the coomy who is causing all our misery. While we should mobilize to
restrain offenders, we must begin te realize that only the community will effectively
eal with the mater. Not the racist Capitalist system, with its repressive police, courts
‘and prisons. Only we have psychology and understanding to deal with it; row we
‘aust develop the will. No one else care
Instead of oye-for eye punishment, there should be restitution to the victims, thelr
families or seclety. No revenge, such as the death penalty will bring a murder victim
ack, nor will long-term imprisonment serve either justice or the protection of
society. Afterall, prisons are ony human trashenns for those that society has

Page 20

ded as worthless. Ne sane and just aasiety would adopt such « course. Sociely
rakes criminals and must be responsible for their treatment. White capitalist society
is itself « crime, and is the greatest teacher of corraption and violence. 36
In an Anarchist society, prisons would be done away with, along with courts and
police (except for the exceptions I have slluded to), and be replaced with communtty-
Fun programs and centers interested solely with hulnan regeneration and social
training, rather than custedial supervision in a inhuman lockup. The fact is that if a
person is s0 violent or dangerous, he is probably mentally warped or hee some
physical defect anyway, which causes him té commit violent acts after social Justice
hhas been wen. If such people are mentally defective, then they should be placed in a
‘mental health failty, rather than a prison. Human rights shoatd never be stripped
tnd he should not be punished. Scheols, hospitals, doctors and above all social
equality, publle welfare and liberty mght prove the safest means to get rid of erimes
‘and criminals together. If 2 spedal eategery such 23 criminal” or “enemy” is
created, then these persons may forever feel an outcast and never change. Ken ihe
for sho i a class enemy, they should retain all civil and human rights in society, even
though they of course would be restrained if they led a ceunter-revolution; the
Aiiference is we want to defeat them ideologically, not militerly or by conslgning
them to a so-called reeducation camp or to be shot like the Bolsheviks did when
assuming power in Russia in 1917.

‘There are two major reasons why activists in the Black community as we move to
‘change society, its values and conditions, must immediately trke a serious look and
fact (0 change the political debate around crime, prisons and the so-called criminal
justice system, Those two reasons hit right homel One i because during any given
Year, one out of four Black men in this country is im prison, in jall on parole, or
‘probation, compared to just one of every fifteen white men. Ja fact Blacks make up
‘50-85 percent of mest prison populations sround the U.S., making a truism of the
radical phraseology that "Prisone are concentration camp for the Black and poor.” Tt
may be your brother, sister, husband, wife, daughter or son in prison, but I guarantee
Yyeu-we all know someone in prison at this very minutet The other primary reason
Biacks have a yested interest in crime and.pensl institutions is because by far, most
Blacks and other noa- whites are in prison for committing offenses against thelr own
‘community.

Prisons are compact duplicates of the Black community, in that many of the same
negative and destrictive efements that are allowed to exist in our community and
cause crime, especially drugs, are in poison in a more blatant and concentrated form
‘To call such places ‘correctional or “rehabilitative” institutions isa gross misnomer.
Death camps are more like it These prisons do not exist to punish everyone equally,
bat to protect the existing Cupitslist system from you and I, the poor and working
class.

‘The high rate or recidiviam proves, and the so-called authorities all agree, that the
prison system is total failure. About 70 percent of those entering prison are repeat
‘elfenders who commit increasingly serious crimes. The brutality or prison experlence
fand the "ex-con" stigma when they are finally released make them worse. Basic to
Solving these crucial problems fe orgmization. The Black community and the Black
Liberntion movement must suppert the prisoners in their fight for prisoners human.
rights They should fight far the release of poltiex! prisoners and victims of racial
injustice, They should also form coalitions of groups in the Black community to fight
against the racist penal and judical system, and especialy the unequal appleatien of
{he death penalty, which is just another form of genocide against the Black race. And

Page 31
finally, and maybe most importartly, local community groups must begin programs
of re- education with brothers and sisters in prison bectuse only through planned,
regular, and constant contact car we begin to resolve this problem that se directly

{ouches ou lives, Abolish pritons 37
THE DRUG EPIDEMIC: A NEW FORM OF BLACK
GENOCIDE?

‘One of the worst forms of criminality is drug dealing, avd it deserves same sepsrate
comments all its own. There is a negative drug subculture in the Black ccmmunity
‘hat gloriics, or at leact makes acceptable, drug use, even though itis killing us and
destroying our community. In fact, every day we rend of some junkie in our
‘communities dying over an overdose of drugs, or of some street corner drug dealer
dying from 2 shootout over 4 dispute or tip-off during a drug deal “gone sour." The
tragedy of the latter is that, these days, innocent vietims — children or elderly people
have also been gunned down in the crossfire. The drug addict (the new term seems
to be “erack-head") le another tragi figure; he was a human being just like anyone
tise, Dut because of his oppressed social environment, sought drugs to exse the pain or
to escape temporarily from the "concrete jungles" we are forced live in the urban
ghettos of America,

With the introduction of crack, a more powerful derivative of coesine, which made its
appearance in the 1980s, even more problems and tragedies ofthis sort had developed
= more addicts, more street gang kilings, and more deterioration of oar community.
In the major urban areas there have slmost always been drug uses, what is new is the
depth of geographical penetration of crack to Black communities in all areas of the
‘country, But the «presd of crack is just » followanp tn massive government drug
peddling that began at the end of the decade of the 1960s. The white House is the
“rock house,” meaning the U.S. political administration Is behind the whole drug
trade. The U.S. government has actually been smuggling drugs into this country for
many yesrs aboard CIA and military planes to use as a chemical warfare wenpon
agaiast Black Amerien. ‘These drugs were mostly heroin imported from the so-called
"Golden Tringle" of Southesst Asia during the Vietnam War. But with the
Introduction of crack cocaine, there was no need to Import drugs into the country at
the same exteat as before, because: itcould be chemically prepared in a maintand fab,
fand then distributed immediately. Crack crested a whole new generation of drug
clients and customers for the drug dealers; it was cheap and highly addictive.

‘Crack and other drugs are a huge source of profits for the government, and it keeps
the Diack community passive and politically indifferent, That is the main reason why
‘we cannot depend upon the police force and or the government to stop the drt
traffic or help the victims hooked on drugs. They are pushing the drugs to bent es
down, on the one hand, but the State is also made more powerful becnuse of the
phony "war on drugs" which allows police state measures in Black and oppressed
Communities, and because of millions of dollars in government monetary
‘appeopriations made of "law enforcement agencies, who supposedly are putting
ddovn the traffic in drugs. But they never go after the bankers or the big business
pharmaceutical companies who fund the drug trade, ust the strest level dealers, who
areususlly poor Blacks.

Unemployment is another resson that drug trafficking is so prevalent in ovr
commiurities, Poor people will desperately look for anything te make money with,
even the very drugs that are destroying out communities. Tut if people have no jo>s
‘or income, drugs look very lucrativeand the best way out of the situation. In fact, the

Page 32
drug economy has bezome the only income in many peor Black communities, and the
only thing that some people perceive will lift them out of lives of desperate poverty.
Clearly, decent jobs at a unign wage are part of the answer to ending drug trafficking
in our community, rather than » dependence on police, courts and the State. The cops
are not our friends orally, and-mast be expoted for their part in protecting the trade,
rather than suppressing it 3

Only the community can stop drug trafficking, and & 1s aur respoasibiity however
you Took at it. After all, those junkies are our brothers and sisters, mothers and
fatners, neighbors aud friends; they are no strangers. We must organize o'save their
lives and the life of our community, We must establish anti-dope programe in Black
‘communities all over the country. We must expose and counter the goverameat's role
as pusher of dope, along with that of the police as protector of the drug trade. But

‘up and lear a trade and the sociepolitical reatons for drug
use), propagands against drug use, and other activities,

Junkies are the vietins of the drug society, which thinks its cool to use drugs.
Children are some of the biggest victims of drug dealing, when they are tricked or
forced (by economic necessity) into using or selling it. The users and dealers both are
victims, but the dealers are something else than entirely innocent Even though that
Bisck on the corner selling dope bags isa victim himself of the economic and polities!
system which makes him do it, dope dealers are a corrupt, dangerous breed who must
be stopped Many people have beon killed or aetiously injured for naively trying to
‘oppose dope dealers, and make them leave their neighborboods, Therefore, whereas
the policy with juukies would be more benevolent and understanding, with dope
dealers we ust be cautious, and even ruthless when It is called for. We need to try to
win them over‘first with an ecenomic and political pregram to draw them away from
the (hug trade, but many of the dealers are so violence prone, especially the "big
shots" (who are also protected by the cops) they must be opposed by both military
and political means,

We are not advueating the summary murder of people, but we are saying if't takes
death t9 bring about a change in the community, so be it! The iseue of death is
‘essentiully an ismue of who is doing the dying. It can be direct and exercised against
the death merchant, or it can be indirect and exercised aguinst our youth-if we let It.
‘To be aware of a dangerons situation ard wot more to change t1s tobe as responsible
for that dangerous situation as those who created it in the first place.

Listen, { don't want to simplify this problem by saying that just killa few street-level
dealers and that will end it, No it won't, AND WE DON'T WANT TO DO THAT
ANYWAY! They are just poor people trying to survive this system, just paws the
<drog game whose lives don't matter to tie big Capitalists or goverument. When they
say so these strect level dealers will be killed or imprisoced, but the drug peddling
system will go on, This is a seciopolitical problem, which can best be addressed by
grassroots organizations. But it's the corporate and industrial backers of the drug
‘rade (not just the comer dealer) that not only must not only be exposed, but must be
moved on. In addition te educational, agitation aud uther action, there must be
ailitary action by revolutionary cell.

‘The underground actions which we are asking people to move an can be carried out
by a relatively small group of dedicated people, a revolutionary cell of armed fighters,
who have been trained in guerrilla tactics But even these small groups of people must
hhave the support of the ncighborhoods ia order tv function, otherwise people will not
know it from another violent gang, Once

Page23,
community, then we can begin to put thla propeesl into action against the most
violent, high-level drag dealers. We are addressing ourselves to what can be mare or
less be considered to be guicelines for dealing with the problem on a neighborhood or
ccommunity-mide level then stm national level 24

1. Set up drug education clases in the commusity, for the youth especially, to expose
the mature of the drug trade, who It hurts, and how the government, banks, and
pharmaceutical companies are behind i al.

2. Exposure of the death merchants and their police protectors. Photos, posters, ers,
rewnletters,e.).

3. Harnuoment of the deslers; Le, threntoning phone calla, mocking the drug
"product," have ctizers marching inside thelr "place of busines,” and other tactics,

4, Set up drug rehablltation clinics so that junkies cm be treated, can study the
ature of their opprestion, and can be wan over to revolutionary polities. We must
vwin people avay from drug use and to the revolution

5. Physical elimination of the dealer; intimidation driving him out x neighborhood or
‘out of town, beatings, and ausastination, whore necersary.

DOPE IS DEATH! WE MUST FIGHT DOPE ADDICTION BY ANY MEANS
NECESSARY! DO ALL YOU CAN 10 HELP YOUR PEOPLE IN THE ANII-DOPE

WAR!
AFRICAN INTERCOMMUNALISM

‘The Anarchist Ideals lend loglelly to internationalism or more precisely trant-
anationalism, which means beyond the nation-state, Anarchists foresee » time when the
nation-state will cease to have sny positive value at all for most people, and will in
fact be junked. But that tine i not yet here, and untl itis, we must organize for
Intercommanalism, or world relations between African people and their
revelutionary social movements, instead of their governments and hens of state

‘The Black Panther Party first put forward the concent of intercommunalism in the
1960s and, although slightly different, Is very much a libertarian concept at Its core.
(This used to be eniled "Pan Afrieanism," but included mairly "revolutionary"
{governments and colonial or independence movements as allies). Because ofthe legacy
of slavery and continting cconemie neotoloninllam, which has dispersed Blacks to
‘every continent, it is fessible to speak of Biack international revolutionary solidzrity.
Here 1s how Anarchists see he world: the world is presently organized into
competing nation-states, whlch thongh the Capitalist Western nations have been
Fesponsible for mest of the world's famine, imperialism and exploitation of the non-
‘white peoples of the earth, In fact, all stntes are inetruments of oppression. Even
though there are governments that claim to be "workers state,” "Socialist countries”
or ap-called "Revolutionary governments,” In essence they al} have the same function:
dictatorship and oppression of the many over the few. The bankruptey of the state is
farther proven when one looks at the millions of dead over two world wars, sparked
bby Raropean Imperialism, (1914-198 and 1935-1945), and hondreds of “brush wars
Incked by the superpowers of the West or Russia in the 1960s and continving to this
Gay. This includes "workers" states" tke Ctina-Russin, Vietnam-China, Viernan-
Cambodia. Somalin- Ethiopin, Russie-Czechoslovakin and other: who have gone to
‘war over border disputes, political intrigue, Invasion or other hostile netion. As tong,
as there are nation-states, there will be war, tension and national enmity.

In fact, the sad part about the decolonization of Africa in the 1960s was that the
countries were organized into the Eurocentric ideal of the nation-nte, instead of

Page 34

some scrt of other formation more applicable to the continent, suck 28 2 continental
foveration, This, of courte, was a reflection of the fact that although the Africans
‘were obtaining "flag independence" and all the trappings of the sovereign European
state, they in fed were not obtaining freedom. The Europeans sill controlled the
economies of the African continent, and the nationalist leaders whe came to the fore
‘were for the mast pert the most pliabls and conservative possible. Tire countries of
Africa were like » dog hough the Europeans could not
longer rules the contineat directly thorough colonial rule, it now did 20 through
puppets it controlled and defended, like Mobute In the Congo, Selassie in Ethiopia,
and Kenyatta in Kenya. Many of these men wars dictators of the worst srt end thale
regimes existed strictly because of European finance capital in addition, there were
white settler communities in the Portuguese colonies, South Africa, and Zimbabwe,
who oppressed the African peoples even worse than the old colonial system, This is
‘why the national liberation movements made their appearances in the'1960s and 70s.
Anarchists support national liberation movements to the degree that they struggle
‘against x colonial or imperialist power; but also note that in almost every Instance
where such liberation fronts have astumed state power, they have become "State
Commanist" parties and new dictators over the masses of the people. These inclade
same who had engaged in the mast epic struggles, but alse include many based on the
‘ost odvioas military dictatorship from the start. They are not progressive and they
tolerate no dissent For instance, no sooner bad tie MPLA government bean in power
m Angola, than it Dogan to arrest all its left-wing ideological opponents (Macista,
‘Trotskyites, Anarchists, and others) and te forcibly to quell strikas by workers for
higher pay and Detter working conditions, calling auch job actions “blackmail” and
‘economic sabotage." And with the Nito Alves affair and his alleged coup attempt,
(Alves was u hero ofthe revolution and a popular military leader), thore was the first
arty purge of opponents in the new goverament. Scmothing similar to this to took.
place when the Sandinista National Liberation movement took over in Nicaragua in
we 1980s. Nowe of this should seein strange or uncharacteristic to Anarchists, when
‘we cousider that the Bolshevik party did the same thing whan it consolidated state
power during the Russian Revolution (1917-1921). 40
Countries such as Benix, Ethiopia, the People's Republic of the Congo and other
“revolutionary” governments in Afriea, are not in power as the result of « popular
secial revolution, but rather because of x military coup or being installed by ane of
the major world powers Further; many of the national liberation movements were
not independent social movements, but were rather under the infence or control of
Russia or China as part of their geopolitical struggle against Weetera imperisliem
and exch other. This is not to say that revolutionary movements should not accept
‘weapons and other material support from an outside power, as long as they remain
independent politically and determine their own policies, without such sid being
conditional on the political dictates and the "party lie" af another country.
ut even though we may differ with them politically and tactically in many are
even with all their flava: afler assuming State power, the revolutionary liberation
fighters are our comrades and allies in common struggle against the common enemy
— the US. imperialist ruling class, while the fight goes on. Their strugale releases the
death grip of U.S, and 7Keste imperialism tar as Anarchists more precisely eall it
Capitalist world pewer), and while the fight goes on we are bound together in
comradeship and solidarity. Yet we still eansot overlook strecities committed by
movements like the Khmer Rouge, x Marsist-Leninist guerrilla movement in
Cambodia, which just massacred millions of people to carry out rigid Stalinist

Page 35
politteal policies and to consolidate the country, We mast Iny this butchery nud ather
crhmes committed by State Communtsm bate for all to see. We do not favor this kind
of revolution, which is Just sheer power seeking and terrorism against the peopl
‘This is why Anarchism has always disagreed with how the Bolsheviks seized power in
Soviet Russiny and Stalin's butchery of the Russisn people seems to have set x model
forthe State Communist movements to follow over the yenrs. 41
‘The national liberation fronts make one basic mistake of meny nationalist movements
‘of oppressed peoples, and that fs to organize in n fashion that etnss distinctions are
obliterated This happened In America, where in the fight for demoeratis rights, he
cull rights movement ineluded Black middle clnss prenchers, fenchers and others, and
every Black persons was a "brother" or" slater,” a8 long ax they were Back. But
simplistic analysis and social reality did not hold for long, because when the Civil
rights phase of the American Black straggle lind spent ict class distinctions and
class struggle came te the fore. They have been getting sharper ever sinee. Although
them are Black mayors and other bureaucrats, they merely serve as pacification
‘agents of the State, "Black faces in high places.” This neoceloniat system is similar to
‘the type of neoeclonialism which tovk pace in the 3rdWorld, after many countries bad
obiained thelr "independence" in the 1960s, Burope all maintained control through
puppet politcinas and a command of petty bosrgecis chss, who were willing to
barter the freedom of the people for personal grins. These people merely preside aver
the misery of the masses. They are not « serious concession to our sirnpgle. They are
putin effice to ce-opt the strugele and denden the people to thelr pain.

Se while Black , revolutionaries generally favor the idens of African
intereommunalism, they want principled revolutionary wnity. OF course, the greatest
service we enn render the peoples of the so-called “Third Workd" of Africa, Asin and
Latin America, is to make a revolution hem in North America-in the belly of the
east. For in freelng ourselves, we get the U.S. imperialist ruling class off both out
‘backs. Wo wish to build an international Black organization against Capitalism,
racism, colonialism, imperiniism, and military dictatorship, which could more
effectively fight the Capitalist powers and ereate & world federation of Binck peoples.
We want to unite a brother or sister in North America with the Black peoples of
Australia and Ocesnia, Africa, the Caribbean nd Scuth Amerien, Asia, the Middle
East, and those millions of our people Living in Britain and other Western Earopenn
countries, We want to unite tribes, nations and Blnck cultnres inte an internaticanl
body of grassroots and struggling forces.

Allover the world, Black people are being oppressed by their national governments.
‘Some are colonial subjects in European countries, and one or another of the African
Siates exploits some. Only Social revotution will lead to Black nity and freedont.
However this will only be possible when there exists an international Black
revolutionary organization and socisl movement. An organization which ean
ceordinnte the resistince struggles everywhere of African peoples; actually network
of suck organizations, resistance movements, which are spread all over the world
‘based on a consensus for revolutionary struggle. This concept accepts any level of
violence that will be mecessary to enforce the demands of the people and workers. In
those countries where an open Bleck revolutionary movement would be subjected 10
flerce repression by the state, such as in South Afticn and in same Black pnppet
Gictntorships in other parts of Atrien, the Caribbenn, and Asi, it would be necessary
‘te wage an undergreund resistance strugele. Further, the state has grown more and
more violent, with widespread torture and execations, prisons and maximum police
controls, spying and deprivation of democratic rights, police brutality and murder.

Page 36
fan gy, Suh koveruuments-and all govarnmests-must be overthrown. They wll net
drei {iternal economic oF political problems, but must be defeated. and
dismantled. So we call for an international resistance movement {0 overdhony
governments and the system of Capitalist world government

But even in the Western imperialist countries,

Marfare arisicg out of the eolletively felt frustrations of the common pesple and
Workers. The use of military methods wotld be necessary in « ease where the viclowee
Of the state made it imperative for Black revolutionaries to defend themeshes bp
thaing she armed offensive agalnst the state aud the ruling cass, and to exprogeiats
{he wealth of the Capitalist class during the Social revolution,
‘The Black liberation movement needs an crgarization capable of international
gaiation of the Black liveration struggle, a world federation of Aftican peoples
Although this would mot just be an Anarchist movement a federation like this woud
be mude effective than any group of states, whether the United Nation or the
Organization of African Unity, in frosing the Black uusses. It would involve the
Frases of People themssives, not just national leaders or nation states. The military
Gctators wad government bureaverats have only proven tha they know how to spend
coaeug Som and drcunstance, but not how to dismantle he last vestiges of
‘cplonialises in South Afrien or defeat Western neocolonialist intrigues. Africa iy stil
the poorest of the World's con ‘while materially the richest. The contrast is
Gear: cillions of people are starving in much of Equatoriel Aftica, but the tribal
i cary dictators, are driving around in Mercedes and living in
luxury vias, while they do the bidding of West European and American benleon
Tae el ke thternational Monetary Fund, They ure part of the problem, not part of
the solution!
Cur Weas about the importance of intercommunalism am based an a firm belief that
‘aly 2 federation of frec peoples will bring true Black power to the masses "Foser to
{he people” docs met mean a government or politcal party ta rule in thelr nance bet
TEL nO Political power in the hands of the prople themselves. The only real
“people's power" is the power to make their decisios tere of importance, and
{¢ merely elect someone else to do se, or to have 2 dictatorship forced down thelr
throats True freedom is to have full self-determination about one's social economic
{ind cultural development. The future is Anarchist Communism, not the nalion state
bivody dictators, Capitalism or wage slavery,

ARMEO DEFENSE OF THE BLACK COMMUNE

"Our insistence on military action, defensive and Yetellatory, kas nothing to do
with romanticism or precipitous idealist fervor. We want to be effective, We
want io lve. Our history teaches us that dhe sccessful Uiberation struggles
Teauire an armed people, a whole people, actively participating in the struggle
for their liberty!""— George Jackson, quoted in Blood in my Rye

‘We must organize self-defense units to Protect the Black community and its
orgunizations. iis the police and the government who are the main perpeitatert of
violence against Black People, Every day we read of the police murdering and
traimin the people in our community ail inthe mame of law and order." This plier
‘brutality hes included the uso.of deadly force agsinat children as young se five yore

Fage37

old and elderly persons over.75 years old! We must disnrm snd demilitarize the
polle, and foree them to leave our community. Perhaps this can be done after ®
rebellion or Insurrection drives them out. oF perhaps they will have co be driven out
by a street guerrilla force, like the Black Liberation Army tried to do in the 19703, I
Ihave no way of knowing. I just knew that they hve to go. They are an oppressive
occupying army, are uot of our community, cannot understand its problems, and do
not identify with its people and their needs. Further, itis the cerruption of the cops
‘that pretects organized erime and vies in our community, nnd Capitalism with its
exploitative economic conditions whieh is responsible for all crime, 42.
Exiting police forces should be replaced with the Black community's own self
defense foret, made wp of members of our community elected or appointed by their
neighbors te’ that position, or from an existing street guerrilla force or political
organization if the ptople agree. They would be subject to immedinte recsll and
lamissal by the Community Control borrds of an aren, ‘This is only so that we will
have community control of the self-defense farce, begin to deal with fratrickdnt Black-
on-Black crime, and be able to defend ourselves from white racist or police attacks.
‘With the increase of white racist violence teday, and the possibility of white mob
action in the futore, usually in the name of "law and order,” thie community qelf
defense fores is most important, The only question is: cam we do this now?

‘We exist now under conditions of nominal legality and clvil rights, Init nt some stage
{m the process of building up ovr farces, his inevitable that the white power structure
‘ill recognize the danger to itself reoresented by such & free Black commune, and will
then try to forcibly repress it. We must have the self-defense capability to resist. This
concept of organizing a self-defense force accepts any level of violence that will be
necessary to enforce the demands of the people and workers. Yet these selt-lefense
forces would not a ‘party vanguard,” 2 police force, or even a standing army in the
Statist or usually thought of sense; they would be a Black Peoples’ militia, self-
matiaged by the workers and community itself: in other words, the people-in-arms.
‘These militi organizations will allow us to engage in offensive or defensive actions,
‘ther in general community defense, or na part of an inaurrection oF amderground
resistance.

‘But what do we do right now in conditions of legality, o rectnim our community from
violent racitt cops? Do we sit around and debate the appropriateness of militery
Preparation, when the enemy is our community now, committing rape and murder of
‘Black people or do we hit back? How do we even get the Iden nerors 19 our people ancl
start to train them for paranilitary operations? On n monss tale, 1 advocate the
tmmediate formation of defense and survival skills stady groups, under the guise of
‘gun clubs, martial aris societies, wilderness survival clubs or whatever we need to call
them, A’ thorough understanding of marksmanship, ammunition fabrication,
demolition and werpon manufacturing ix minimal for everyone. In addition, we
should study first ald pertaining to the rather traumatic injuries sustained from
gunfire aud explosives, combat communications, corte weapons, combat tactics for
the small group, combat strategy for the region or nation, combat intelligence of
police and military activities among other subjects, These subjects are indispensable if
am live underground or during 2 genera! insurrection.

‘We should put emphasis em the purchase, collection, duplication and dissemination of
military manuals, gunsmithing textbooks, explosive and improvised demolitions
manuals, pelice and government technical manuals, and pirnted editions of right-ving
manuals on the subject (since they seem to write the best material in this aren), and
also begin the study of how to build intelligence networks to collect information on

Page38

the rapidly growing Ski

ad and other totalitarian racist organizations, along with
intelligence and counter-iatelligenes information on the goverament scerst police and
ww enforcement agencies, like the FBI, CIA, ATF, e'e., and oa any and every other
subject which could be of use to us in the coming struggle.
Even though in the United States, development of
simpler than many other ccuntries because arms and ammunition are widely
available, it is logical to assume that the arms sivuation will eon be ao tight s0 a2 t0
make firewrms virtually unobtainable, exept through an expensive Black market
because of the government's “war an dfugs" and other propesed gun convrol
Seyislation to prevent strest vielence,” or so they say (Do you think the sporting goods
stores will be open during an insurrection?) Therefore we should learn to use
‘machine tool technology (0 produce our awn weapons. Perfectly adequate firearms
may be produced using 4 minimum of machine teals, providing the individual or
‘ereup is willing to do the necessary studying wad preparation. It is net enough to
‘know 2 little about these subjects; tis a matter of future survival — of life and death
that one be highly proficient.
1 am not advoesting the immediate waging of urban guerrilla warfare, espectally
Where there is ne mass base for sueh activities. What I am advocating at this stags is
armed self-defense and the knowledge of tactics to resist military aggression against
the Black community. It is a foolish and unfortunate trait among Anarchists, the
‘White left und sestions of the Black movement to condemn the study of military sis ax
premature or adventaristic, ar am the other hand, to cast oneself into w blind fury of
‘yank expropriations, kidnappings, bombings or plane hijackings. Teo meny people in
‘the movement have a death trip approuch to guns—they sssumeif you are not “fooling
arcund” then you should prove your convictions via suicidal shootout in the strents,
AL doesn't have te be that way.
But the Black movement daesn't even have the lurury of such tepid debates, and must
hhave an armed defense policy because America has u long traditien of goverament
politcal repression and vigilante paramilitary violence. although such attacks have
‘heen dicected primarily at Blacks and other oppressed nationalities in the past, they
aye alto been directed at labor unions and dissident political groups. Such violence
makes it absolutely necessary ta acquire familiarity with Grearms and. tility
tactics. In fact, the Black Resistance movement that I spoke of earlier should think of
itself asa paramilitary movement, rather than « strict politiel association.
We must assert cur rights to armed self-defense and revolution, even though itis true
rat tere is Iet of loose talk about guns, self defense, revolution, "urban guerilla,
Warfare,” efc., in the Black and radical movements, but with very lite study ond
Dractice in handling and using weapons. Some ofthe same folks think “picking up the
means that you pick one up for the first time on the day of an insurrestion oF
confrontation with police. This is nonsense and is the real revolutionary suicide,”
you could yet ted not knowing whut you are doing. But many instances attest to the
fact that armed community self defense can be carried out successfully, such a the
MOVE resistance in Philadelphia, the Republic of New Africa armed resistance in
Detroit and Mississippi and the Black Panther eases. Even as important as the net of
defense itself is, isthe fuct that these instances of successful self-defense have made a
‘tremendous impact on the Black community, encouraging other nets of reiistance.
INSURRECTION
Bui what isu rebellion and haw does it differ from ax insurrection? An ingurrection
isu general uprising sgainst the power structure. It ig usualy a sustained rebellion

Page39
over the course of days, weeks, months or even yenrs. It is x type of class war tlint
Involves a whote population in am act of armed or seml-urmed resistance. Sometimes
alsiakenty called a rebellion, Its character ls far more combative and revolutionary,
Rebeliions are almost (otally spontaneous, short-term affairs. An insurrection i also
not the revolution, SINCE REVOLUTION IS A SOCIAL PROCESS, RATHER
‘THAN A SINGLE EVENT, but it em be an inportant part of the revolution, maybe
its final phase, An insurrection ls planned violent protest campsign which takes the
spontaneous revolt of the masses to « higher level Revolutionaries intervene to push
Febullions to insurrectionary stage, and the insurrection an to n secial revolution. It is
not small, Isclated pockets of urban guerrilat taking setlons, walens those gusrll
are partof a larger revolt. as
The importance af recognizing the true difterences of exch level can define our
strategy and tactics at that stage, and not lend us prematurely into » fuli offensive,
when the enemy is not yet weakened enough ty mass action or political attacks. The
wuses of the revolt enanot be understated
ries intervone in such straggles to show people how to resist and
ng freedom. We want to take the peoples rebellions against
the state and use them fo weaken the rule of Cspita! We want to create resistance on a
longer term and to win liberated xenes To disconnect these communities from the
stats mean that these rebelfiont will nerume n conscious pelitieal character like the
Palestinian Intifada in the occupied territories controlled by lirael in the Middle
Bast. Creating the pussbility of * Black insurrection mvenns popularizing and
spreading the various retelllons to otter cities, towns and even countries, and
increasing them In number and frequency. Jt alse means consciously nullifying the
power of the state, instead of temporary revolts azsinst it, which ultimately preserves
its power. There must be deliberate attempt to push the government out of
‘exltence, and eatablist People's Power. This has not yet happened with the various
Black revolts we have seen since 1964, when the first such modern revolt erupted in
Harlem, NY.
Jn the 1960s, the Black communities all over the U.S. rose up sneily with massive
rebulllons ageinst the state demanding racial justice. After the Harlem revolt for the
next four years major rebellions shook the U.S in the Watls section of Los Angeles,
Detroit, Chiengo, and hundreds of other North American cities. tolated nes of police
Drutaiity, racial discrimination substandard housing, economic exploitation, "the
hhocdlum element,” a breakdown in family values, and s host of cther "explanstions"”
hhave been put forward by liberal and conservative sociologist and others
4 by the state to whitewash the true causes. Yot none of these revealed
inst the Capitalist system and colonial rule, even though the social
sclentists “warned” of the possibility of a new outbreak of violence.
Once agnin in tke Spring, 1992, we saw m massive revoll in Los Angeles, whove
immediate causes were related to the outrageous neguittn! of { Angeles policemen
ho had hratally beaten Rodney King. But there ngnin this was just an immedint
cause acting as a trigger; this revolt was not x sympathy revolt om behalf of Rodney
King persumily. The enuse of this rebelion was widespread social inequality in the
Capitalist system and police terrorism. This time the rebellion apread to 40 cities and
four foreign countries. And it was rot Just a so-called “race riot,” bat rather a class
revolt that included a Inrge number of Latinos. whites and even Asians, Rut it was
undeniably a revolt for racial injustice first and foremost, even if It was not just
directed against white people ix gencral but the Capitalist system nnd the rich, 1 wns
‘not limited to just even the inner city In the Las Angeles ares but spread even to white

Page 40
spper crust areas in Leotlywood, Ventura, and beyond This was the Degianing stage of
class warfare,
{Fan underground snilitary force existed or a militia was assembled, it could have
catered the filed of battle with more wenponry and advanced tactics. As it was the
gangs played that rele, and played it very well. Their participation is why it took so
long to put the rebelion down, bur even tey could not prevent the reestablishment of
waite power in South Central Los Angeles. Not Just because of being militarily out
Gunned, but because they had no revolutionary political program despite all theit
retorie of having been radicalized Alsa tHe state came down extromely hard on the
‘rebels. Over 20,000 persons were jailed, 50 were killed and hundreds wounded.
Could liberated zone have been won, ao that dual power could have been
established? That possibility existed and still does exist if the people are properly
armed and educatec Mass resistance with heavy military weaponry may have wen,
serious concessions, one of which is to pull back the cops. We don’t linow that, this is
Purely speculation. We do know that this is not the last rebellion in LA, and other
They may come much quicker now that the genie of urban revolution of the bag,
We can only hope and prepare. ONWARD TO TE BLACK REVOLUTION!

Anarchism and the Black Revolution — Part Three

ANARCHIST THEORY AND PRACTICE

‘The major aim of this chapter isto list the major elements of Anarchist thought and
to give examples of what some Anarchists think about them. Unlike other streams of
Political drought, Anarchists do not elevate certain texts or individuals above others.
‘There are different types of Anarchists with many points of disegreement. The
Primary areas of debute among Anarckists relate to what form of organization should
be struggled for and what tactics we should use. For instance, some of thelr most
significant differences concern the economic argauization of future society. Some
Aoarchiats reject money, and substitute a system of trade in which work is exchanged
for govds aad services. Others reject all forms of trade or barter or private ownership
448 Capitalism, nnd feel that al major property should be owned in common
‘There are Anarchists who believe in guerrilia warfare, including assassination,
bombings, bank expropriations, ete., 28 one means of revolutionary attacks on the
Sate. Dut there also are Anarchists who believe almost exclusively in organization
labor or community work. There is no single type, nor do they all
and {uctics. Some are opposed to violence; some accept it only
during revolutionary ineuresetio:

‘Anarchists and Anarchism have historically been misrepresented to the world, The
Popular impression of an Anarchist as an uncontrollably emotional, violent person
Who is onty interested in destruction for its own sake, and who is opposed to all forms
of organization, still persists to this day. Further, the mistaken belif that Anarchy is
chaos snd confusion, a reign of rape, murder and misdless-otal dlsorder and insanity

agai

Political spectrum have consciously bean promoting this lie for years. All who strive
{0 oppress and exploit the working class, and gain power far themselves, whether
they come from the right or the leit, will always be threatened by Anarchism, This is
because Anarchists hold that all authority and coercion must he struggled agains. In
fact, Anarchists wai to get rid ofthe greatest perpetrator of violence throughout

Page 41
history: governments. To Anarchists, a Capitalist "democratic" government is no
better than 2 faselst or Communist regime, because the rating class only differs In the
amount of violencs they authorize their police and army to use and the degree of
Fights they will allow, if any. Through war, police repression, social neglect, and
political repression. Gevernments have killed millions of persons, whether trying to
defend or overthrow a government. Anarchists want to end this slaughter, and build n
soclety bated on pence and freedom.

‘What is Ansrchism? Anarchism is free or Libertarian Socialism. Anarchists are
‘oppesed to government, the state and Capitaliom. Therefure, simply speaking,
Anarchism isa government form of Socialism.

An common with all Socialists, the Anarchists hold that the private ownership of land,
capital and machinery has hnd its time; tha it s condemned to disappear, snd that all
requisites for production must and will, become the common property of society, and
bbe managed tn common by the producors of wealth Peter Krepothin, in his Anarcbisl-
‘Communism: Its Basis and Principles.

‘Though there are several different “sctools" of Anarchist though, revolutionary
‘Anarchist or Anarchisi-Commuism is based upon the sinks struggle, but it does not
taken mechanist view of the class struggle taken by the Mast-Leninists. For instance,
it does not take the view that only the Industrin! proletariat exn achieve Socialism,
‘and thatthe victory of this clas, led by « "communist working class party" represent
the final victory ever.Capitalism. Nor de we accept the iden of x “worker's state”
Anarchists believe that only the penssnts, workers and farmers cin liberate
themselves and that they should manage industrial and economic production through
workers’ councils, faclory commitiers, and furm cooperatives, mmther then with the
interference ofa patty or government

Ansrchists are social revolutionaries, an feel that the Social revelution is the process
through whlch a free society wil be created. Self-manegensent will he established in
all areas of social life, including the right of all opprested ress of people to seif-
determination, As I have stated, alf-determination isthe right to self-government, By
‘thelr own initiative, individuals will implement their own management of social life
‘through voluntary associations. They will refuse to surrender their self-direction to
the State, political parties, vanguard sects since exch of these merely nid in
establishing or reestablishing domination. Anarchists believe the state and capitalist
authority will be abotished by the means of direct nction-wildeat strikes, slowdowns.
‘boycotts, sabotage, and armed insurrection, We recognire oor gosls cannot be
separated from the means used to achleve them. Hence our practice and the
associations we create will reflect the soclety we setk.

racial attention will necessarily be paid to the area of economic organization, since
it is here that the interests of everyone converge, Under Capitalism we afl have to sell
our laber to survive and to feed our families and ourselves. But afler an Anarchist
social revolution, the wage syst he institution of private and state property
will be abolished and replaced with the production and distribution of goods
according to the communist principle of: "From ench according to ability, to exch
according to need." Voluntary associations of producers nnd consumers will take
common postession of the means of prodaction and allow the free use of all resources,
to any volutary group, provided that euch ure doer not deprive others or does 20%
entall the use of wage labor, These associations could be food and housing
cooperatives, cooperative factories, community-run schools, hospitals, recreation
facilites, and other important socia! services. These associntions will federate with
‘each other te facilitate their common goals on both territorial and functional hasis

Page 42

Possibly mest the diverse needs of society, while stil promoting s0
widest scale, is one that alldws people to freely associate on the basleof commen acedy
ang interests. Federalism emphasizes autonomy snd decsntralization, fosters
fldarity and complements groups efforts te be as self-suffclent as postbla, Groups
Gan then be expected to cooperate as long as they derive mutual benefit. Contrary fo
the Capitalis: legal system and its contracts, if such benefits are not felt fo be tutes
in an Anarchist society, any group will have’
4 flexible and self-regulating social organism ready to meet
en ings bY mew organisations and adjustments. Federallzm it not a type of
Anarchism, but it is am estentil part of Anarchism, It isthe joining of groupe and
Peoples for political acd economfe survival and livelihood. Sz
Anarchists have an enormous job ahead of them, and they must be able % Sock
‘ogether for the benefit of the idea The Italian Anarchist Errico Malatesta said it best
when he wrote:

“Oar task is that of pushing the “people "to demand and to sete all the freedom they
cau ta make themselves responsible for their own needs witheut waiting for orders from
any kind of authori. Out sask is that of demonstrating the ictalessness cad
harpuiness of the geverument, or provoking and encouraging by propaganda and
ction al kinds of individual and collective Inddative. "=. “After the Fevelution,
dnarchists will have @ special mission of being the vigilant custodians of freedom,
against the aspirants to power avd possible pranny of the majority.

Quoted in bfalatesta: his Ufe and times, ed by Vernon Richaris

So, this is the job of the federatio
Fevaluti

Tod modern indevendent society, the process of federation must be extended to all
humanity. The network of voluntary associations -the Commune: wil keow oe
erases could be the size ofthe city, state or ation o a society natch larger then
the ration-state under Cupitaliem,
{iLike world's peoples in a number of continental Anarchist federations, say North
Nauist Africa, or che Carlbbean. Fruly this would be a aew world! Not » United
Nations or "One World goverument,” but a united humanity,
ut our opposition is formidableeach of us has been taught to believe in the need for
the absolute necessity of experts, in taking orders, in authority —— for
ome of us its all new. But when we beleve in ourselves and decide we ean alone
‘ociety based on eee, caring individuals, thet tendency within us vill become the
conscious choice of freedom-loving people. Anarchists cee their job os strengthening
Tinceendeney, and show that there is wo demccracy or freecom ander goversment =
Ty are petit Unie States, Chinn or Basis. Anarchists Believe in drertSemacracy
by the people as the only kind of freedom and self-rule,

TYPES OF ANARCHISTS

fitters achiss san't be expected to agree on everything, Hletrically ‘thete
‘differences have led to distinet tendencies in Awarchist theory aud practices

Individualist Anaxchists hope fora fuiure society in which free

Page 43

{individuals do thelr duty and share resources "according to the dletates of ahstenct
Justice” Guneraliy speaking, individualats are mere philosophers rather than

revolutlonery activists, They are civil libertarians who want to reform the system to
‘make it work ‘iairly." They were prevalent in the pest century, but are still scen in

“counter-caltural" Anarchist formations, middle class philosophers, or right-wing
Libertarians,

Mutualiats are Ancrchists associated with the idens of 19th century Anarchist
philosopher, Plerre-Joseph Proudhon, who based his future ecenomy on".
of Individasls and amelt groups poressing (but not owning) thelr

production, and bound by contracts of mutual exchange ard mutual credit (instend of
monos) which would insure to each Individual the product of is own Inbor. This type
of Anarchism appears when Individualists being to put their ideas m practice, and
‘merely wish to reform Capitalism and make it “cooperative.” This Is also where the
right wing Libertarians and sdvocates of a minimized role for the state get the id
Marx attacked Proudhen as an "idealist" and **utopinn philosopher" for the
‘Anarchist concept of Mutual Aid,

Collectivists are Anarchists based directly on the ideas of Michnel Bakunin,
the Russian Anarchist, the best-known advocate to the general public of Anarchist
theory, Bakunls's collectivist form of Anarchism replaced I'roudhon’s insistence on
individual possession with the idea of Socielist possession by voluntary institutions,
and the right to the enjoyment of the individual product of hivher labor or its
equivalent still assured to the indlvidnl worker. This type of Anarchism involves
direct threat tothe class system and the Capitalist stnte, and isthe view that society
can only be reconstructed when the working elu seizes control ofthe economy bY &
social revolution, destroys the State apparatus, and reorganizes production on the
basis of common ownership and contro! by associations of working people. This farm
of Anarchism is Ideologically the basis of Anarchisi-Syndicaliem, o revolutionary
labor unionism.

Amarcho-Syndicalists sre Anarchists who are active in the Ibor and
‘working class movements, Aunrchist-Syndieaiism is n farm of Anarchism for clase-
‘consclous workers and peasants, for mliltants and activists in the Inbor movement, for
oertacian Socialists who want equality as wall as Uberty. As pointed out, this
philosophy is based hesvily an the ideas of Bakusin, though its organizing techniques
stom from the French and Spansh CNT trade union movements (called
"Syndlentes"), where Anarchists were henvily involved. This is the type of Anarchism
that influenced the [WW in North America and which expresses the view that the
Capitalist state must be toppled by a revolutionary form of economic warfare called
the General Strike, and thet the economy must be reorganized and based on
Industial unors, whieh would be under the counsel of the working clas. All political
matters would be handled by either an Industrial Union Congress, while workplace
matters would go to a factory committee elected by the workers themselves and
tunder thelr direct control. This type of Anarchism has gront potential far erganiring
an Anarchist working class movement in North Americs, if it raises contemporary
‘neues like the shortened workoverk, factory councils, the current depression a8
{ight back agninst the bcsses' offensive of the Inst 20 yenrs aguinst the working class
‘world wide.

Anarchist.Cararnumists are revolutionary Anarchists who believe in the
philosophy of class strugele, an end to Capitelism, and all farms of eppressic

Page 44

Contrary to Anurchist-Syndicatism it does not limit itself to workplace organizing.
The philosophy is based on the theories of Peter Kropotkin, another Russian
Anarchist. Kropotkin and, his fellow Anarchist-Communists not only envisaged the
commune and workers! councils as the, proper guardians of production; they als
ticked the wage system in all its forms, and revived the ideas of Libertarian
communism. This type of Acarehism {s Known as Libertarian Socialism also, and
includes Mast Socialists who are also oppesed to the State, dictatorship, and party
rule, though they are not Anarchists. so
Siace the 1870s the principles of Anarchist Commusiam have been accepted by most
Anarchist organizations favoring revélution This Anarchist or Libertarian
Communism must, of course, not be confused with much better known communism of
‘the Marxist-Leninits, the communism waich is based on state ownership of the
‘economy, and control of the both production and distribution, amd also on party
dictatorship. That form of authoritarian communist eoclety ie based on oppressi
and slavery to the favor a free, voluntary communism of shared
resources. Libercari is mot Bolshevism and tas no connection with or
‘support for Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky or Mao Tse Tung. It is not state or private contral
over the estentials of life we seek, and we oppose all forms of dictatorship. Anarchist
‘comntenists seek to foster the growth ef a now sociaty in which fresdom to develop as
‘one see ¢ is integrated to the fullest extent with social responsibility to others,

are a new tendency in the Anarchist movement This tendency
‘arose in the mid- 1980s in Germany and later spread to other countries in Rerope and
North America. Students, intellectuals, and disaffected workers made up this
tendency originally, but there am also Anarchists who call themselves Autoromists to
imply they are not linked with a federation, or are not dactrinaire or a purist. Like
Liberating Socialis, they seem te draw their ideology from both Marxism and 201
schist philosophy like Auarchist Communism, but they teud to be more
i very meticulous about explaining thelr different identity,
clusion, thi is one way to ist the different tendencies in Anarchist thought and
ise. There may be many other ways to do it and describe the historical
Aevelopment of each tendency. That may be beyond the scope of this pamphlet But
most Anarchists would agree on thase general statectents Anarchists hope for,
construct theories about, and act to promote the abolition of government, the State,
and the principle of authority thut 1s central 1o contemporary social forms, and to
replace them with a social organization based on voluntary esoperation between free
individuals. Ati Anarchist tendencies, except the Individualists (and to some extent,
ists), sen this future society bas work of mutual aid
is, workers' and tonsumers collectives, communes, and other voluntary
lances, organlzed Into regional units and other aon-suthoritarian federations far
the purpese of sharing ideas, information technical skills and large scale
technological, cultural and reereational resources, All Anarchists believe ia freedom
from Iwunger and want and are against all forms of class, sexual and racial
oppression, us well as all political manipulation by the State.
‘The philosophy is an evolving ideal in which many individuals and social movements
have influence. Fewinisma, Black Liberation, Gay rights, the ecology movement and
‘thers, are all additions to the awareness of the philosophy of Anarchism,
influence has helped in the advancement of the ideal of Anarchi
aodern society. These influences ensure that the Social revolution we all anticipate
‘ill be as alt encompassing and democratic as all, and that all will be Fully liberated,
not just affluent straight, white males.

Page

ANARCHIST VERSUS MARXIST-LENINIST 5/
THOUGHT ON ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY
Historically, there have been three major forms of socialism: Libertarian Socialism
(Anarehlom), Authoritarian Socialiom (Marxist Communism), and Demoerttic
Socialism (electoral social democracy). The non-Anarchist left has echoed the
bourgeoisl's portrayal of Anarchism as an ideology of chaos and Junacy. But
‘Anarchiom and vopectally Anarchiat-Commantara hat nothing in common with this

‘nage It is faloe and made up by its ideclogical opponents, the Marxist-Leninists.

1 ts very diteult for the Marxist-Leninists to make an objective eriticism of
Anarchism as such, because by its nature it undermines all the suppositions basic to
Narxtm. If Marxism and Leninism, its variant which emerged during the Russian
revolution, i held out to be the working class philosophy and the protetariat cannot
‘owe [ts emancipation to anyone but itself, itis hard t» go back on it and say that the
‘working elas isnot yet ready fo dispense with authority over t. Lenin came up with
the idea of a transitional State, which would "wither away" over time, to go along
with Marx's "detatorsbip of the proletariat." The Anarchists expose this line as
counter- revolutionary and sheor power grabbing. Over 75 yenrs of Marxist Leninist
practice hes proven us right. These so-called "Socialist States” produced by Marxist-
Leninist doctrive have only produced Stallnst police states where workers have no
rights, a new raling class of technocrats and party politicians have emerged, and the
dass differential between those the state favored over those it didn't crested
‘widespread deprivation among the masses snd smother clase stroggle. But instead of
‘meeting such criticisms head an, they have concentrated their altacks not on the
doctrine of Anarchism, but on particular Anarchist historkal figures, expecially
Bakuain, an ideological opponent of Marx in the First International of Socialist
movements inthe last century.

‘Anarchists are social revolutionaries, who seck n stateless, classless, voluntary,
cooperative federation of decentralized communes-based upon socisl ownership,
{individual liberty and aulonomous self-management of social and economic life.

‘The Anarchists differ with the Marxists-Leninists in many areas, but especially i
rganication building. They differ from the authoritarinn socialists in primarily three
ways: they reject the Marxist-Leninist notions of the "vanguard party,” "democratic
tentraliom,” and the "dictatorship of the proletariat,” and Anarchists have
slteroativeo to ench of then. The problem is that almeat the entire lett, including same
Anarchists, Is completely uneware of Anarchism’s tangible structural alternatives of
the Catalyst, Group, Anarchist Consensus, and the Mass Commune.

‘The Anarchist alternative to the vanguard party is the catalyst group. The catalyst
‘troup is merely an Ansrchist-Communist federation of affinity groups in action. This
Catalyst group or revolnttonary anarehlot federation would mect om a regular basis
or only when there was 2 necessity, depending on the wishes of the membership and
‘he urgency of social conditions. It would bé made up of representatives from o- the
alfinity group Itself, with full voting rights, privileges, and responsibilities. It would
tet both policies and future kctioos to be-performed. It will produce both Anacthist-
Communist theory and social practice! Wt bellever im the clase struggle and: the
Aeceatlty fo everthrow Capitalist rule. It organizes in the communities and
workplaces. It is democratic and has no authority figures like m party boss er central
committee,

In order to make 2 revolution large-sesle, coordinated movements are necessary, and
thei formation is inno way counter to Anarchiam What Anarchists are oppored to ie

hierarchical, power-trippi

which suppresses the creative urge of the
balk of those involved, and foress an agenda doven their throats, Members of such
roups are mere servants and worshippers of the party leadership. But although
Anarchists reject this type of domineering leadership, they do recognize that some
people are moro experisaced articulate, or skiied than others, and these people will
Play leadership action roles. These persons are not authority figures, and can be
Femoved at the will of the body. There is also a conscious attempt to routinely rotate
this etsponsibility and to pass on these skills to eack ather, especially to women and
people of color, who would ordinarily not get the chance. The experiences of these
1ersons, who are usually veteran activiats or better qualified than moat wt the moment
can lielp form and drive forward movements, and even help crystallize the potential
for revolutionary change in the popular movement. What they canoot do is take over
the initiative of the movemeat itself. The members ofthese groups reject hierarchical
rositiens-unybody having more ‘official" authority than others-and ualike the M-L
vanguard parties, the Anarchist groups wen't be allowed te perpetuate th
leadership through a dictatorship after the revolution. Instead, the catalyst group
Atselt will be dissolved und its members, when they are ready, will be absorbed into
the new society's collective decision-making process Therefore these Anarchists are
not leaders, but merely advisors and organizers for a mass movement Sz
What we don't want or need is a group of authoritariaus leading the working class,
and then establishing themselves as a centralized decision-making command, instead
of “withering away"; Marxist-Leninist states have perpetuated authoritarian
institutions (the secret police, labor bosses, and the communist party) to maintain
their power. The apparent effectiveness of such organizations (we 're just as efficient
as the Capitalists) mass the way that "revolutionaries" who pattern themselves after
‘Capitalist institutions become absorbed by bourgeois values, and completely isolated
from the reat needs and desires of ordinary people.

‘The reluctance of Marxist-Leninists to accept to accept revolutionary social change i,
however, above all seen in Lenin's conception of the party. It isa prescription to just
nakedly stize power and put it in the hands of the Communist Party. The party that
Leninists creste today, they believe, should become the (only) “Party of the
Proletariat” in which that class could orgenize and selze power. In practice, however,
‘his meant personal and party dictatorship, which they felt gave them the right and
duty to wipe out al! other parties and politcal ideolegics. Both Leain and Stalin killed
nillions of workers and peasants, their left-wing Ideclogieal op
members of the Bolshevik party. This bloody and treacherous history is why them is
so much rivalry and hostility between Marxist-Leninist and Trotkyite parties today,
and itis why the "workers states,” whether in Cuba, Chins, Vietnam, or Korea are
such oppressive bureaucracies over their people. It is also why mest of the Kast
European Stalinist countries had their government overthrown by the petty
bourgeois and ordinary citizens in the 1980s, Maybe we are witnessing the eclipse of
State communism entirely, since they have nothing new ta say and will never get
those goveroments-back again.

While Anarchist groups retch decisions through Anarchist consensus, the Marxist-
Leninists organize (hrengh so-called democratic centraliem. Demosretic ceatralism
poses.as a form of inner party democracy, but is really just ahierarchy by which each
ember of a party-ultimately of a societyis suburuinate to a “higher” member until
one reaches the all-powerfel party central ceramittee and its Chairman, This is a
totally undemocratic procedure, which puts the leadership above crticiam, even if it
is t ubove reproach, It isa bankrapt, corrupt method of intoraal operations for «

Page 47
polities! organisation. You have no volet in such a party, and must be nftaid to sty
‘any uifattering comitnents tor about the lenders. £3
In Anarchist greups, proposels are talked. out by menibers (none of wham has
authority over another), dissenting minorities are respected, and exch individual's
paiticipstion is voluntary. Everyonehas the right to agree or disagree over policy and
‘etlons, and everyone's Ideas are given equal weight and consideration. No decision
‘ndy be made until ench individual mesnber or affiinted group that will be affected by
‘that decision has had a chance to express thelr opinion on the issue. Individual
members and affiliated groups shall retsin the option to refuse support to epecitie
federation sctvities, but may not actively obstruct such activities. In true democratic
fachion, decltons for the federation as x whole must be made by x majority of its
members,

Jn most cases, there is no real need for formal meetings for the making of decisions,
What is needed fs coordination of the actions of the group. Of course, there are timer
when a deciion has to be made, ard sometimes very quickly. This will be rare, but
sometimes ite unavoidable. The consenses, in that cate, would {hen taive to be nmong
1 much smiller circle than the general membership of hundreds or thousands. But
ordinary al that is needed san exchange of information and trast among parties,
‘and a decision reaffirming the original decision will be reached, if an emergency
decision had to be made. Of course, during the discussion, here will be an endeavor
to clarity ary major differences and explore alternative courses of action. And there
‘wil be'an attempt fo arrive at « mutually agreed upon consensus between confticting
‘views As always, i there shoulé be an impasse or dissatisfaction with the consensus, a
vote would be taken and with 4 2/3 majority, the matter would be accepted, rejected
orreselnded

This ls all totally contrary to the practice of Marxist-Laninist parties where the
Central Committee unliaterally sets policy for the entire organization, and arbitrary
authority reigns, Anarchists reject centratlzstion of authority and the concept of 2
Central Committee. All groups are fret.associations formed out of committees not
revolutionaries disciplined by fear of authority. When the size of the work-groups
(rrhich could be fanned around Labor, fundraising, anit-rscism, women's right, ford
and housing, et) becomes cumbersome, the organizations ean be decentralized into
‘ovo oF several more mutonomeus organizatlens, stil united tm one inrge federation.
‘This enables the group to expand limitlssly while maintahning its anarchic form of
decentralized self-management. It i sort of like the scientific theory of a biclogical
cel, dividing and redividing, bet ins political sense.

However, Anarchist groups aren't even necessarily organized loosely; Anarchism is
flerible and structure ear be practically nonexistent or very ght, depending upon
‘the type of organization demanded by the social conditions being fneed. Yor instance,
‘organtaation would tighten during military operations or heightened political
repression.

Anarchlat-Communists reject the Marxist-Leninist concept of the "dictatorship of the
proletariat” and 2 so-called "workers? site,” In favor of the muss commune. Unlike
members of Leninist parties, whose daily lives are generally similar to present
bourgeois Mestyles, Anarchist organtzatlonal structures and lifstyles, through
‘communal living arrangenients, urban tribes, affinity groups, squatting, etc, attempt
to reflect the Liberated society of the future. Anarchists built all kinds of communes
‘and collective during the Spanish Revolution of the 1930s, but were crushed by the
fasciats and the Communists. Since the Marxist-Leninists don't build cooperative
structures, the mucteus ofthe new soclety, they can only see the world in bourgeois

Page 48

political terms. ‘They want to just seize State power and institute their owa
Gictatorship over the people and the workers, instead of crushiag Siate power nd
replacing it with a free, cooperative seciety. sy
Ox course, the pariy, they'lasist, represents the proletariat, and there is no asad for
hems to organize themselves outside cf the party: Vat even in the former Soviet Union
Thin pmmunist Party membership only represented fire percent of the population,
This is elitism of the worst srt and even makes the Capitalist parties look cereos a,
by ‘comparisor. What the Communist Party was intended 10 represent in teree uf
Topkere Power is wever made clear, bul in true 1984 "doublethiak" fashion, the
Tesults are 75 years of political repression and Stata slavery, lastead of an ata at
{Blorious Communist rule." They must be held accountable goliteally for these
Sims against the people, and revolutionary pelitical theory and practice: They have
slandered the names of Socialism and Communism,
Pie reiset the dictatorship of the proletariat, It is unbridled oppression, and the
Marxist- Loninists and Stalinists must be made to answer far it Milline save boca
‘murdered by Stalin in the name of fighting an internal class war, and millions more
CEre,murered in China Poland, Afghanistan Cambodia, and other countries by
Communist movements which folowed Stalin's presription for revolulionary tereee
Tre reieet State communism as the worst aberration and tyraany. We cau do belter
than this with the mass commune,

hist mass commune (sometimes also called a Workers Council although
Some differences) is a national continental or transnational federation of
feonamic and political cooperatives and regional communal formations. Anarshists
Teak (2 & world and a society im which real decision-making invelvea everyone wha
Ives jn it~ @ mass commune — not afew discipline freaks piling the strings ins oe,
Suet grelelarin dictatorsnip.” Any and all dictatorship ts bad it bes no deeming
social features, yet thut is what the Loniniste fell us will protect us trace
sramaer wolution. While Marxist-Leninists claim that tha dictatorship ls necessary
Torder te crash any bourgeois cuunterrevolutions Jed by the Capitalist elas ay.
right- wing reactionaries, Anarchists feel that this ia itself part of the Stalin’ school
of iabineation. A centralized apparatus, sich ot a state, is much easier target for
ckponents of the revolution than is an array of decentralized communes, Aud these
seroma vould remaia armed and prepared to dafend the revolution against
anyone who militarily moves against il, The key is to mobilize the people into dence
guards, militias und other military preparedness units,
‘its Position by the Leninists of the necesity for a dictatorship t protect the
Fevolution was not proven in the Civil War which followed the Russian revelations 1

any dictatorship, it tuned around and wiped out the Russian and Ulecieion
Gasrchist wovemenss, along with their left-wing opponeats lke the Menshevike and
Social revolutionaries, Even idealogeal epponeais in the Bolshevik party: vere
imprisoned and put to death. Lesin and Trotsky kiled millions of Russian sitters
Sut alter the Civil War, when they were consolidating State power, which preceded
Stalin's bloody rule. The lesson is that we should nat he tricked inte surrendering oe
grassroots peopl's power to dictators who pose as our friends or leaders

Prat teed the Marxist-Leninist! solutions they art dangerous and deluding.
chalce as athee WAY, Dut, tao much of the let and to many ordinary poople, the
hal las appeared to be Anarchic “chase” or the Maoist “Communist” parties,
however dogmatic ued dictatorial. Thisis puitarily thereat of msunderstansing

Page 49
and propaganda. But Anarchism as an ideology provides fensible organizations!
struitures, aa well as valld alternative revolutionary theory, which, If utilized could
be the basta for orgattzation just as solid as the Mirxtst-Leainists (or even more 30)
Only these orgenkastons will be egalitarien and really for the benefit of people,
rather than for the Communit lenders. ss
‘Anarebiam is not confined fo the Ideas of single theoretician, and it allows
Individual creativity to develop In collective growpings, Instead of the characteriatic
ogutatism of the Marxst- Leninsts. Therefore, not being coltist, it encournges =
great deal of innovation and experimentation, prompting its adherents to respond
Tealltiealy ta contemporary couditlons. It ls the concept of making ideology fit the
<eimands of iff, rather than trying to make life ft the demands of ideology.

‘Therefore Anarchists build organizations in order to build a new world, ot to
perpetuate our domination over the masses of people. We mild build sm organized,
‘coordinated international movement simed at transforming the gobe tnto a mass
commune. Such would really be a great overlesp In human evolution and a gigantic
ravolutionary sire, It would change the world as we know it and end the special
‘problems long plaguing lnmaaking. It would be a nev era of freedom and fulfillment.
LETS GET ON WITH IT, WE'VE GOT A WORLD TO FIN!

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ANARCHIST-
COMMUNISM

Since Anarehist-Communism is currently stil the most important and widely
sccepted form of Anarchism mote needs to be suid about this dynamic revolution
doctrine.
‘Anarchlst-Conmmnunism is based on 2 conception of society thet harmoniously unites
individual self-interest and seclal well-being. Although Anarchist-Communists agree
‘with Marx and many Marxlst-Leniatats that Capltallem must be abolished becnuse of
ita crisis-idden nature (here we reject the false term “anarchy of production”) and
its exploitation of the working class, they Jo not believe Capitalism is an
indispenseble, progressive precondition for the transition to x socially benesilal
econémy. Nor do they believe that the centralized economic planning of State
Socialism can provide for the wide diversity of needs or desires. They reject the very

of the need for a State or that it will just “ wither way” of its own accord or 8
party'te “boss over” the workers oF "stage manage” the revolution, In shert, while
accepting tenets of his economic critique of Capitalism, they do not worship Karl
Marz. as am infallible leader whese Ideas can never be critiqued or revised, a» the
Marzist-Leniniats do; and Ansrchist-Communiam isnot based on Marsist theory,
These Anarchists believe the “personal is political, and the politcal fs personal,”
menting that one cannet divorce one's political life from one's porsoral life. We
riot play buresucratte political roles, and then have w separate life as another soci
belt entirely. Anarchist-Communlsts recognize that people act capable of
doterviining thelr own needs and of making the necessary arrangements to satisfy
tose needs, provided that they have free access te socinl resources. It is always *
polites! decision whetrer thors resouress are to be fredy provided to lly
‘Anarchist-Coromunists belleve in the credo of "from each according to (their) means,
to each according to their needs." This assures that all will be fec, clothed, a
‘housed as normal selal practice, nt 2s demeaning welfare or that certain classes will
be better provided for than ethers.
When not deformed by corrupt social institutions and practices, the interdependence
and solidarity of haman beings results in individuals whe arereaponsible both for

Pay

‘themselves and to the society that makes their-well being and cultural development
possible. Therefore, we seek,to replace the State and Capitalism with network of
Voluntary alliances embrachig a of social lif-producton, consumption, health,
culture, recreation, and other areas To this way all groups and associations reap the
benefits of unity while expanding the range of their freedom Anarchists belleve in
fres association and federating groups of collectives, workers’ coumells, food and
housing cooperatives, political collectives, with others ofall types, S|
Asa practical matter, Anarchist-Commusisis belove that we should star‘ to baiitbe
new society mow, as well us fight to eresh the old Capitalist am, They wish to create
non- authoritariaw mutual ald organizations (for food, clothing, housing, funding for
community projects and others), neighborhood asiembiies and cooperatives nat
affiliated with either governsment dr business corporations, and not run far profi, but
for social need Such organizations, if built now, will provide theie members with =
practical experience in self-management and self-sufficiency, and will decrease the
dependency of people bn welfare agencies and employers. In short, we can begin now
(o build the infrastructure far the communal society 40 that people ean ste what they
are fighting for, not just the ideas in someone's head. Thatis the real way to freedom

CAPITALISM, THE STATE AND PRIVATE
PROPERTY

‘The existence of the Stute and Cupitalism a rationalized by their apologlits as being a
“necessury evil" due to the alleged inability of the greater part of the gopulatiox to-
run their own affairt and those of society, as wall at bolag their protection againat
crime and violence. Anarchists realize that quite to the contrary, the principal
barriors to a fee socicty are Stats and the institution of private property. Itis the
‘State which causes war, police repression, and other forms of violence, and it is
brivate property-the lack of equal distribution of major social wealth-which causes
crime and deprivation,

Hut what isthe State? ‘The State is a politcal abstractioa, « hierarchical institution by
which « privileged elite strives to dowimate the vast majority of people. The State's
mechunisms include a group of institutions containing legislative assemblies, the eivil
service bureaucracy, the military and police forces, the judiciary and prisoas, and the
subcentral State apparatus, The government is the administrative yehicl to run the
State. (Phe purpose of this specific set of institutions which are the expressions of
authority in enpitalist sociaties (and so-called "Socialist states"), is the maintonanes
and extension of domination over tke eammen peaple by a privileged class, the rich in
Capitatit socisties, the so-called Communist party in State Secialist or Communist
societies like the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republica.

However, the State itself i always an elitist position structure between the rules and
the ruled order. order-takers,"and economic haves and have-nets. The
State's elite is uot just the rich and the super-rich, but also those persons who assume
State positions of authority. polticiens and juridical officials. Thus the State
bureaucracy itself, in terms ofits relation to idealogicel property, ean betomean elite
class in its own right This administrative elite class of the State is developed aot just
the through dispensing of privileges by the ecouowie elite, but as well by the
separation of private and publi life-the family unit and civil sacety respectively. end
hy the oppesition berween an individual femily and the larger society. It is shper
‘opportunist, brought on by Capitalist competition and alienation. It lt @ breeding
ground for agents of the State.

‘The existence of the State and « ruling classes, based on the exploitation and

Pages
‘oppression of the working class mm inseparable. Domination and exploitation go
hhand-in-htnd and in fect t8is oppression is net possible without force and violent
‘authority, This i why Anarchist- Communists argue that aay attempt to use State
power ab means of estabitshing 8 free, egalitarian society can only be slf-defenting,
because the habits of commending and exploiting become ends in themselves. This
‘was proven with the Bolshevik in the Russian Revotution (1917-1921). The fact is that
offidals of the Communist” State accumulate polities! power much as the Capitalist
‘lass accumulates economic wealth, Those who govern form a distinct group whose
only interest isthe retention of political control by any means at their disposal. But
‘the institation of Capitalist property, moreover, permits n minority of the population
to contral and to regulate etcezs to, and the ute of all soctilly produced wealth and
natural resourees. You have to pay for the land, water, and the fresh air to some giant
utility company or real estate firm. S7
This controlling group may be s separate economic class or the State itself, but in
either case the institution of property Leads to set of social and economic relations;
Capitation, tn which a small sector of society reaps enormous berefits and privileges
at the expense of the ttboring minority. The Capitalist economy is bssed, not upon
fulfilling the needs of everyone, but on amassing profit for afew, Both Capitalism and
the State must be attacked and overthrown, not one or the other, or one then the
other, beeause the fall of either will not ensure the fall of both. Down with Capitalism
and the State!
[No doubt, some vorkers wit! mistnke what I am spesking of as a threst to their
ervonal accemulated property. No, Antrchists recognize the distinction between
personal possessions and major Capitalistic property. Capitalistic Property is that
‘hich hs as its basic characteristic and purpose the conmand of other people's labor
power became of its exchange value. The institstion of property conditions the
evelopment of «set of socal ard. economic relatons, which tas” estalisied
‘Capitalism, and this situation allows « small minority within society to reap enormous
‘benefits and privileges at the expense of the laboring minority, This is the classic
scenario of Capital exploiting Inbor.
‘Where tere is a high social division of labor and complex industrial organization,
money is necessary to perferm transuctions. It is not simply thal this money is legal
tender, and it is abed in piace of direct barter of goods. That Is not what ve art
Mmited to here: Capital fs money, but money as n process, which repreduces nnd
increases ts value. Capital arises only when the owner of the means of production
finds workers on the market as sellers of thelr own labor power. Capitalism
developed as the form of private property thnt shifted from the rural agriceltural
style to-the urban, factory style of Inbor. Capitalism centralize: the instruments of
production and brings individuals closely alongside of others in a disciplined work
force. Cepitelism is industrialized commodity production, which makes goods for
profit, nt for social nevds. This iss special distinction of capital snd eapital stone.
‘Wemay understand Cupitalism and.the basis of our observations, as Capital endowed
‘with will and consclousness, That is, as those people whe acquire capita, and function
as an elite, moneyed cass with enough national and political powrer to rule society.
Farther, that aceamulted capital is money, and with money they control the means
of production that is defied as the mill, mines, fretories, Iané, water, enerzy and
other mstaral resouress, and the rich know that this is thelr property. They don’t
under no illusions nbout "public property’.
‘An economy, stich as the one we have briefly sketched, is rot brsed on fulfilling the
needs of everyone in scelety, but insterd fs based on the accumutation of profits for

Page 52
he few, who live in palatial luvury as a leisure class, while the workers live in either
overty or one or two paychecks removed. You see, therefore, that doing away with
overament nifies the,,bolition of monopoly snd personal ownership of the
‘eans of production and distribution

sd
ANARCHISM, VIOLENCE ‘AND AUTHORITY

dne of the biggest lies about Anarchists is that they are mindless bomb throwers,
wutthrowis, and assassins. People spread there lies for their ‘own reasons?
tovernments, because they am afraid of being overthrown by Secial revelution;
Marxist-Leniniste, because it isa competing ideology with a totally different concept
Af social organization and revolutionary struggle; and the Church, because
Anarchism does not believe in deities and its rationalism might sway workers away
om superstition. It is true that these lies and propaganda are able to away many
»eople primarily because they never hear the other side. Anarchists receive bad press
ind suffer a ceapegoat of every politician, right orleft wing.

Because a Social revolution is an Anarchist revolution, which ot only abolishes one
“xploiting class for another, but all exploiters and the instrument of exploitation, the
State, Because it is a revolution for people's power, instead of political powers
>eeause it abolishes both money and wage slavery; because Anarchists am for tolal
Jemocracy and freedom instexd of pollticians to represent the masses in Parliament,
Congress, or the Communist Party; because Anarchists are for workers’ sei.
nanagement of industry, instead of government regulation; because Anarchists are
‘or full sexual, racial, cultural and intellectual divoreity, instead of sexual chauvinisu,
sulteral repression, censorship, and racial oppression; lies have had to be told that
the Anarchists are killers, rapists, robbers, mad bombers, unsavory elements, the
Worst of the worst.

Sut let's look at the real world and set who is cusing al this violence and repression
of humax rights. The wholesale murder by standing armiee in world Was land Il, the
pillage and tape of former colonial counties, military invasions or so-called "police
operations" in Koren and Viotaum— all of these have been done by goveraments. It is
govermment und statedclass rule, which is the source of all violeace. This includes all
governments, The so-called "Communist" world is not communist and the "Eree"
world is not free. Kast und West, Capitalism, private or state remsing an inhuman
type of society where the vast majority is hossed at work, at heme, and in the
community. Propaganda (news and literary), policcmen and soldier, prisons a
Schools, traditional values and morality all serve to reinforce the power ofthe few and
‘o convince or correct the many into passive acceptance af a brutal degrading and
\erational systems. This is what Anarchists mean by authority being appraision, ad it
is just such authoritarian rule which is at work in the United States of America, as
well as the ‘Communist governments of Chica or Cubs.

"What is the thing we call goverument? Is it anything but organized violence? The law
orders you 40 obey, and If you don't obey, it will compel you by force — all
governments, all law and authority nally resi anfarce ond violence, on puishouent or
fear of panishment.

Alexander Herkruan, it ARC of Anarchism

There are revolutionaries, including many Anarchists, who advocate armed

overthror of the eupitaise State, They do net advecate or practice mass murder, lke

the governments of the'modera world with their stockpiles of nuclear bombs, poison

Bas and chemical weapons, huge air forces, navies and arrales and who are hostile to
another. It was not the Anarchisls whe provoked twa World Wars where over

Page §3
100 milton persons srere
butchered the peoples of Kores, Panams, Somatin, Iraq, Indonesia, and of
countries who have sustained imperialist militery snack. It wns not the Anarchists
who tent armies of spies all over the world to murder, corrupt, subvert, overthrow
and medele into tho internal affuirs of other countries like the CIA, KGB, MIS or
other national apy ageneles, nor use them ar secret police to uphold the home
governments in variows countries, no metter how repressive and unpopular the
Fogime. Further, Ityour government makes you n policeman or soldier, you kill and
repress people in the name of “freedom” or "law and order". s
"You don't question theright of the government to hil, to confiseate and imprison. 1f
1 private person stould be guilty of the things that the government is doing all the
time, you'd brand him a murderer, thief and scoundrel. Bur or long as the violence
‘conmitted is "lawful" you approve oft and submit to tt. Soltis not real violence that
you object to, bur people using violence unlawfully. Atesander Berkman, it ABC of
‘Anarchism,

‘fe speak honestly wo muat admat that everyone believes in wolence and practices it,
however they may condemn It in others. Either they do i themselves or they have the
police or army to do it on their behalf as agents of the stnte. In fret, all of the
governmental institutions we presently support and the entire life of present society
are based on violence. In fact America is the mest violent country on exrth, oF ns one
SNOC comrade, H. Rap Brown, was quoted at saying: "violence in ax American a1
‘apple pie ({)"' The United States gees all over the world committing violence, It
assassinates heads of State, overthrows governments, slaughters civilians in the
‘hundreds of thousands, and makes a prisoa out of captive nations, such as itis doing
In Iraq and Somalia, atthe present time. We ars expected to passively submit to these
crimes of eonquest, thats the hallmark of s good citizen.

‘So Anarchists have no mosopoly and violencs, and when It was used in so-called
“propaganda of the deed” attacks, It was against tyrants and dictators, rather thas
against the common people, These individual reprisals — bombings, assassinations,
sabotage — have been efforts at making those In power personally respensibie for
thelr unjust acts and repressive suthority. But in fact, Anarchists, Socialist,
Communists and other revolutionaries, as well as patricts ard nationalists, and even
reactionaries and racists Tike the Ku Klux Kian or Nacis have all used violonee for «
-varkty of reasons, Who would not have rejoiced if a dictntor like itler had been
slain by asemisios, and thus spared the world racial gevocide and the Second World
‘War? Further, all revoiations are violent because the oppressing class will not give up
power and privileges withoet a bloody fight. So we haveno choice anyvay.

Basically, we would all choose to be paciits. And like Dr. Martin Lather King Jr
counseled, we would rather resolve our differences with enderstanding, Jove and
moral reasoning. We will stfempt these solutions first, whenever possible. In the
inganity that reigns, however, out movement acknowledge the utility of preparedness.
Its too dangerous a world to be ignorant of the ways to defend ourselves so that we
‘can continus our revolutionary work. Bring sequsinted with weapon and its oses
‘oes not mean that you must immediately go out and use that weapon, but that if.
need to uae H you can use It wed. We art forced o mcknomledge that the American
progressive and radical movements have been toc pacifist to be truly effective. We
also realize that open groups that proposed cooperative change and were basically
‘nonviolent like the IWW, were crushed violently by the government and finally we
have unfortunate example of Dr. King, Jt. himself, who wns assassinated in 1968 by &
conspirsey of agents ofthe Stats, most likely the PDI.

Pages4
Understand that the more we succeed at our work, the mote dangerous will our
situation become, because we will then be recognized as a threat to the Siate. And,
take no mistake, the ingurrection is coming. An American Intifada that will
destabilize the state. So we art talking about a spontaneous, prolonged, rising of the
vast majority of the people, and the necessity to defeud our Social revolution.
Aithough we recognize the importance of defeasive paramiliary violence, and even
turban guerilia attacks, we do not depend upon war to achieve our liberation, or our
struggle cannot be won by the force of arms alone. No, the people must be armed
beforehand with understanding and agreedent of our objectives, x well as trust and
love of the revolution, and our military weapons are only an expression of our organic
spirit and solidarity. Perfect love for the peopie, perfect hats for the enemy. Ax the
Cubas revolutionary, Cie Guevara, suid: "When one falls, another must take (their)
place, and the rage of each death renews the reason for the fight" bo
‘The goveraments of the world commit much of their violence in repressing any
attempt to averthrow the State. Crimes of repression against the people have usually
benefited those in power, especially if the goverament is powerful Look what

sappeaed in the United States when the Black revolution of the 196Us was repressed.
Many protesting injustice were jailed, murdered, injured, or blacklisted all of which
was setup by the State's secret police ageacies. The movement wes beaten down for
decades as a result. So we cannet just depend on mass mobilisations alone, or just
‘engug: in underground offensives, if we want (0 defeat the state and its repression
‘some mid-place between the [wo must be found. Kor the future, our work will include
development of collective techniques of self-defense, as well as underground work
while we work towards social revolution.

ANARCHISTS AND REVOLUTIONARY
ORGANIZATION

Another lie about Anarchism is that they are nibilistic and don't believe in any
‘Organigational structure. Anarchists are not opposed to organization In fact
Anarchism is primarily concerned about analyzing the way in which society ie
Presently organized, e., government.

Anarchism is all about erganization, but it is about alternative forms of organization
fo whit sow exisis. Anarchism’'s opposition to authority leads to the view thal
‘organization should be non- hierarchical and that membership would be volustary,
Anarchist revolution Is 1 process of ergatization building and rebuilding. This does
“not mean the same thing as the Marxist-Leninist concept of "party building, which i
Jast about strengthening the role of party leaders and driving out those membert
those who have am independent position. These purges are methods of domination
‘that the IMLS use to beat all democracy out of their movements, yet they facctioasly
call this "democratic ceatralism'

‘What organization means within Anarchism is to organize the needs of the people
into won- authoritarian sacial organizations so thal they can (ake care of thelr own
business on an equal basis. I¢ also means the coming together of like-minded people
for the purpose of coordinating the work that bath groups. and individuals feel
necessary for their survival, well being, and livelihood. So because Ansrchism
involves people who would come together an the basis of mutual needs and interests
cooperation isu Key element A primary aim is that the individuals should speak for
themselves, and that all in the group be equally responsible far the group's decisions;
so leaders or bosses heret

Muny Anarchists would even envisage large scale organizational needain terms of

Page SS
aval otal groups organized inthe workplace, clletives, nelghborhoods, and other
areas, who would send delegates to larger committees who-would make decisions on
mnattera of wider concern, The job of delegate would not te fulltime; it would be
rottted, Although thelr out-of-pocket expenses would be pail, the delegate would be
‘unpald, recallable and would only velce the group's desisions, ‘The various setcots cf
‘Anarchiom, differ ‘In emphasis concerning erginization: For example, Anarcho-
Syadicalista streat the revolutionary labor union.and other workplace formations 38
the basie walt of organization, while the Anarchiit-Commomists reesgnize the
commune, as the highest form of soclal organization. Others may recognize other
formations as eaest important, but they all retognize snd support free, independent
“organizations of the people as the way forvard. él
‘The nucleus of Anarchist-Communtst organization i the AMTnity Group. The sfTinity
{group ls 2 revolutionary cirle or “call” of lends and comrades who are in tune with
‘each other both in ideology and as indiviuals. The affinity group exists to coordinate
the needs of the group, as expressed by individuals and by the cell as a body. Tre
‘group bocomes an extended faraily; the well being ofall becomes the responsibility of
all

"4utonomons, commanal, and directly democrat thé group combines revotutioncry
theory with revolutionary Ufesple in ts everyday behavior. It create: a free space in
which revobitonaries can remake theneselves tndlvidually, and aiso at sociat beings.”
— Murray Bookchin, in Port Scarcity Anarchism

‘Wo could also refer to these affinity formations as "groups for tiring revolution”
because they live the revolution nowt, even though otly ts aed form. Because cha
‘groups are small — Irom three to fifteen — they cain start from si stronger basis of
Selldarity than mere political strategy tlone. The groups would be the number ene
‘snus of political activity af exch member, There are four srens of involvement where
affinity groups work:

1. Mutual Aid: this means giving support
‘collective work and responsiblity,

2, Raducation: in addition to educating the society at-large to Anarchist ideals, this
includes study by members to advance the Ideology of the groups, as well as to
inerenss thelr political, economic, sientific and technical knowledge.

43, Action: this means the actual organizing, and political work of the group outside
‘the collective, where all members art expected to contrite,

4. Unity: the group i a form of family, a gathering of friends and comrades, people
‘who tare for the well-being of oxe another, who love and support each other, who
rive to live in the rpirit of cooperation aud fretdom; votd of distrust, jealousy, tte,
competition and other ferme of negative soclal ideas and behavior. In short, affinity
groups allow a collective to live a revolutionary lifestyle.

‘A big: advantage of alfinity groups 1s that they art highly resistant to polies
fnfitiratiod Beeanse the group members are so Intimate, the groups are very difficult
to infltrdie'ngents into therm, and even Ifa group is penetrated, there is no ‘central
ifice" which wosld give an agent information shout the movement as a whole. Each
call had 1 own polities, agenda, end objectives. Therefore he rrould have to infiltrate
hundreds, maybe thousands, of similar groups Further, slnee the mombers all know
tach other, he could not lead disruptions without risk of immediate exposure, whick
‘would blunt an operaticn lie the COINTELPRO wed by the FBI aprinst the Black
tnd progressive movements ring the 1960s, Further, because thereare no lenders in

solidarity between members, as well xs

Page se
the movement, there is no one to target and destroy the group.

Because they. can grow as biological cells grow, by division, they can proliferate
rapidly. There could be hundreds in oze large city or region. They prepare for the
emergence of x mass movement; they will argapiza large numbers of people ia order
to coordinate activities as their needs become apparent and as social conditions
dicite. Affinity groups function as u catalyst within the snass movement, pushing lt to
higher snd higher levels of resistance to the authorities, But they are ready-made for
unéerground work in the event of open politcal repression or mass tasurreeticn.
‘This leads us to the next level of Anarchist organizations, the area and regional
federation. Federations are the networks of affinity groups who come together out of
common needs, which include mutual aid edusation, action, and any other work
deemed to be netded for the transformetion of current society from the authoritarian
state o Anarchist-Communian ‘the following is an example of how Avarchist-
Communist federations could be structured. First, then is the area organization,
which could cover a large city or county. All like-minded affinity groups in the area
would associate themselves in 4 local federation. Agreements ox ideslogy, mutusl aid,
and action to be uadertaken would be made at meetings in which all can come and
have equal voice ou
‘When the local area orgunization reackes a size where it is deemed to be too big, the
area federation would initiate a Ccordinating Consensus Council. The purpose of the
‘Council ist» coordinate the nucds and actions defined hy all the groups, including the
possibility of splitting aad cresting another federation. Each local area's affinity
Group would be invited to send representatives fo the council with all the viewpoints
of their group, and ss a delegate they could vote and join m making poley an behalf
ofthe group ut the council.
Our next federation would be on a regional basis, say the entire South or Midwest
‘This organization would take ears of the whole region with the same principles of
consensus 1nd representation. Next would come a antlonal federation to cover the
US.A, and the continental federation, the latter of which would cover the continent of
North America. Last would be the global orgatizations, which would be the
networking of all federations worldwida. As for the latter hecause Anarchists do not
Fecognize tational borders and wish to replace the nation- slate, they thus federate
with all other like-minded people whorever they are living oa the planct sarth

Bat for Anarchism to really work, the needs of the people must be fullled. So the
first priority of Anarchists is the well being ofall; thus we must organize the menns to
fully snd equally fulfill the needs of the people. First, the means of production,
transportation, and distribution must be organized Into revolutionary organizations
that the workers snd the community run and control themselves. The second peierity,
fof the Anarchists is to deal with commanity need organizations, in addition to
industrial organizing. Whatever the community needs are, then they must be dealt
with. This means organization. It includes cooperative groups to fulfill such needs as
health, energy, jobs, chikdeare, housing, alfernative schocls, food, entertainment, and
ofher socis! ureus. Thess community groups would forma a cogperative community,
which would be a network of community needs orgenizations and serve wan
‘Anarchistic sociopolitical infrastructure. These groups should network with thase in
other aress for mutual aid eduestion, and action, and become a federation on &
regional scale.

“Third, Anarchists would have to deal with social illases. Not only do we organise for
the physical needs ofthe people, but must also work and propagandize to cure the ills
sprouted by the State, which has warped the human personality under Capttaltam,

" Page 87
For instance, the oppression of women must be nddressed. No one can be free if 51%
of -oclety is oppressed, dominated and abused. Not only must we form an
‘organteation t deat withthe harmful effects of vextim, but work to ensure patrinrchy
is dead by ednenting soclety about its harmful effects -The same must be done with
rach, but in addition to reedueation of soctety, we work to alleinte the tocial and
econothle oppression of Black and other ndnwhite peoples, and empower them for
self-deteriination to lead free lives. Anarchists need to form groups.to expose and
combat raclal prejudice and Capitalist exploitation, and extend full support and
solidatity to the Black liberation movement. 63
Winsity, Anarchism would deal with a number of areas teo numerous to mention here
— selénee, tiehnotogy, ecology, disarmament, hurtan rights and so on. We must
harness the social sciences and make them serve the people, while we coexist with
nature, Autherltaiiaus foolily beticve that It is possttle to “conquer” nature, but
that isnot the Issue, We are just one of a number of species which inhsbit this planet
even if we are the most intelligent. But then other species have aot created nuclear
‘weapons, started wara where millions have been killed, or engaged in diserimsination
against the races of thelr sub-species, all of which humankind has done. So who is te
ny Which one is tho most "Intelligent?

WHY AM T AN ANARCHIST?

‘The Anarchist movement in North Amerien is overwhelmingly whits, middle class,
‘and for the most part, pacifist 90 the question arises: why am [a part of the Anarchist
movement, siace Lam none of those things? Well, although the movement may not
‘now be what think itshould be in North America, I visualize « mass movement that
‘wlll have hunreds of @rowsands, perhaps millions of Bleck, Hispanic and other non-
‘white workers int. It will not be an Anarchist movement that Black workers and the
other ofpressed will just "Join" — it will be an independent movement which has its
‘own social outlook, cultural imperative; and political agenda. It will be Anarchist st
its care, but it will lso extend Anarchism to 2 degree no previous European social or
cultural group ever haa dons Im certain that many of these worksra will believe, a2
1 do, that Ansrchim is the most democratic, effective, and radical way to obtain our
freedom, but that we must be free to cesign our own movements, whether it is
‘understood or "approved" by North American Anarchists or not. We must fight for
‘our freedom, no one else can free us, but they can help us.

L wrote the pamphlet to: (1) inapire = national anti-racist and anf-eop brutality
federatien, which would be Amarehist-iniinted or nt least be heavily participated in
by Anarchists; (2) crente 2 coalition between Amarchists tnd tevolutionary Black
organizations suck as the new Black Panther moversent of the 1990s; and (3) to spark.
new revolutionary ferment sad organizations in the African-American and other
oppressed communities, where Anarchiam is a curiosity, if that. I thought that if =
serious, respected Itbertarian revolutionary put these ideas forth they wou'd be more
Likely to be considered than just by « white Anarchist, no matter how well motivated.
I bdleve am correct about that, So here is why I am an Anarchist.

Tn the 1960s I was part of x number of Black revolutionary movements, including the
Black Panther Party, which T fool partially failed becavee of the authoritarian
leadership style of Huey P. Newton, Bobby Scale and others en the Central
‘Commities, This is not a recrimination against those individuals, but many errors
were made bectuse the national leadership was too divorced from the chapters in
cities all over the country, and therefore engaged in "commandism'" or forced work
dletated by lenders. But many contradictions were alto set up because of the structure

of the organization as a Marxist-Leninist group. There was not a lot of inner-party
dlemocracy, and when contradictions came up, it was the lenders whe decided on thelr
resolution, not the members Purges became commonplace, and many good people
were expelled from the group simply because Whey dissgreed with the leadership.
Because of the over-importance.of central leadership, the national organization was
ultimately Hiquidated eatirely, packed up and shipped back to Onldand, California. Of
course, muny errors were.made because the BPP wat a young orgenization and was
unger intense attack by the state. Ido not want to imply that the infernal errars were
the primary contradistious thet destroyed the DFP. The police attacks on it did that,
but if it were better and more democratically organized, it may haye weathered the
storm. So this Is no mindless criticism or backstabbing attack. loved the party. And,
anyway, not myself or anyone else who critique the party with hindsight, vill ever
take away from the tremendous talc that the BPP. played in the Black Liberation
movement of the 1960s. Dut wo mest Icok at a ful picture of out organizations from,
‘that period, so that we do not repeat the same errors, 4

£ ink my brief period in the Penthers was very important because it taught me
abut the limits of — and even the bankruptcy of — leadership in a revolutionary
movement. It was nota question of a personality defect on behalf of particular leader,
but rather 4 reslization chat many times leaders have one agenda, followers have.
ancther.

{also learned this Jesson during my association with the African People's Socialist
Party during the 1980s when I had gotten out af the joint I bad met Omali Yeshitela
while I was confined in Leavenworth (KS.) federal peo, when he was invited to our
anewal Dlacle Solidarity Bay festivities in 1979, This association continued When they
formed the Black prisoners’ organization, the African National Prison Organization
shortly thereafter. ANPO was definitely # good suppart organization, and aleng with
News and Letters Committees the Kentucky branch of the Natanal Alliance Against
Racism and Political Repression, and the Social revolutionary Anarchist Federation
(now defunct), they wrote letters and made phous calli to have me hospitalized after Y
hhad been infected with Tuberculosis, which saved my life. But the group folded when
‘he proposed coulition of founding orgaaizations collapsed due to sectarianism

After I got out of prison, I lost coutact with them as they had moved from Louisville
to the West Coast. It was not until 1987 that I euce again contacted them when we
were having a mass demonstration against police brutality ia my hometown. They
were invited and came to the demo, along with NAPO and several leftawing forces,
and for two years off and oa, had an association with them. But I fel APSE
politically was always an authoritarian organization, and evea though was never’ a
member, I beeame more and more uncomfortable with their organizational policies In
the Summer Of 1988, T went to Onklend, Culifornin to attend an “orgunizers!
school,” but I also wanted to sutisfy myself about the internal workings af the group.
or six weeks, I worked with them out of their natanal headquarters in the lecal
community. I was able to determine for myself about internal mattera and alia abort
the politics of the group itself. I found out that abeut.s whale history of purges,
factional fights, and the ‘one man" dictatorial lesderahip atyle of the Party. While in
Oakland, I was asked to attend « meeting in Philadelphia that Fall ta reestablish
ANPO.

1 attended the Philly mesting but was very concerned whex I was eutomatically
Placed as part of u “slate” to be officers of the ANPO group, without any reat
democratic discession among the propaced membership, or alleving others to put
‘themselves forward as potential candidates, [ was in fact made the highest-ranking

Pages

‘offiser in the group. Although I still belleve that there should be a mass politica!
Prlooners’ movenelit whi ‘especially & Bleck prisoners’ movement, I became
‘convince thet this was not It I belles thet twill take's trig coalition af forces in the
‘Black and prifgreditve miovekients to build & niass bise Of support: got to feeling thit
(hese folks joot ranted to jth the parton is polities, rather then free prisoners,
and so I Just droped out snd Kiven't desit with them'sinice. wis very disillusioned
sand depressed when I earned the truth. 1 won't be used by tiybody — not for long.
‘The early stages ofthe Student Nonviolent Coardinntirig Céramittee was a contrast in
many ways fo any Block freedom group to cétme-before or after, Part of the SNCC
activists were middle iss college tateectuals, with o amall number of working class
erawroets setivists, but they developed a whrking ‘style thet. was very ant
authorttirian and was unique to the Civil rights ‘movement. Instead of bringing in»
‘national ender to lend local struggles, like Dr, Martin Lathet King Jr. and his group,
the Soutters Christin Lebdérship Couicl;'wat ‘wont t8 tho, SNCC sent in feld
organizers to work with the local pesple.and develop Indigenous lendership and help
organize, but not take over local struggles, They placed telt faith in the ability ofthe
people t determine ax agenda which would best serve them and Tend themselves 10
obtain their goals rather than being inspired or fold whit to de by 1 fender SNCC
Itvef had no strong leaders, even though it had peroons in decision-making authority,
but they were accouniabie to membership boards and the community in n nay no
other group in the civitrights movement was. 6s
SNCC was also a non-secular organization, in contrast to SCLC, which was formed
bby Black preachers and had co-opted their style of organizing from the Black church,
swith a religiois authority figure who gave orders to the troopis. Today mest political
ccominentators or historians till do not want to give full erelit tothe effectiveness of
SNCC, but many of the most powerfal and successful struggler of the Civil rights
‘movement were Initited and won by SNCC, ‘hichuding rwost of the voting rights
struggles and the Mistissippt phase of the fresdota miovement, I lesited a lot about
Internal democracy by being a part of SNCC,"how It could make or break an
‘organization, and how it had s0 muich to do with the morale ofthe members Rveryone
‘was given an opportanity to participate'in decision-making, and felt part of a grext
Ihstorical mission, which would change their lives forever: Thsy were right. Bven
‘though SNCC gare some lifelong lessons to all of us Involved, even if it was destroyed
bby the rich and their own, who resorted to am stuthoritarian style in later years.

also began to have a rethinking process after I was forced to leave de U.S. and go to
‘Cuba, Czeckoslovakia and other countries in the "Socialist blec,” as it was called
‘then. I¢ waa cleat that these countries were-cssentially police states, even though they
hhed brought many significant reforms and material sivances to their peoples over
‘what had existed before. I observed also that racism existed in those countries, along
‘with the denial of basle democratic rights and poverty on x scale T would not have
thaight possible. also sew 2 great desl of corruption ty the Communist Party
fenders and State adntolatrators, who wets well'off while the workers were inere
‘wage slaves, I thought to myself, "there hits to be w betier way!" There is. It is
Angrchiom, which T sterted to read about when I was captured in East Germany and
hhad heard more about whes Iwas eventuily thrown into prison in the United Stats.
Prison is a place where one continually thinks about his other past life, including the
examinetion of new or contrary Ideas, I began to think about what Thad seen in the
Bick moveneat, sleog with my mistreatment in Cuba, my capture and escape in
‘Ceschesloyaiiay and my ual capture in Bast Gexinainy. I veplayed allthis over and
‘over in my hend. Irs first introduced to Anarchism in 1968, immediately after Y wns

Page 60
Soap Duck to the U.S: and wat placed in the federal lockup in New York City,
‘here 1 met Martin Sostre. Sastre told me about how to survive tu prisens the
‘portance of fighting for prjsoners' democratic rights, and ibout Auerehism, This
hort course in Anarchion gt mot atch hewever, ten though T grealy respected
ostre personally, because I didnot understand the theoretical concepts. 4

‘nally around 1973, after I had been locked ap for. about three years, I stared
ccciving Anarchist literature and correspondance from Anarchist who tad beard
bout my case. This began iny slow meiamorphors ea confirmed Anarchist, spd in
act it was not until s fow years later that Tame over. During the late 19705, Y wae
opted by Anarchist Black Crost-England and alee by a Dutch Anarchit greop
alled HAPOTOC, (ielp A Prisoner Oppose Torture Organizing Cammitten), which

snarchist groups in the U.S. and around the world. But [became disheartened by the
\nsrchist movements failure to fight white supremacy and itt lack of cass struggle
rolities. So, in 1979, 1 wrote « pamphlet called Anarchism and the Black Revolution,
0 act as a guide tothe discussion of these matters by our movement. Faslly,n 1983,
was released from prison, after having served almost 15 years,

‘or ull these years, the pamphlet influenced a number of Anarchists who wore
‘posed to racism and also wanted a more elass struggle-orienied approtch than the
novemeat then afforded. Meanwhile I bad fallen away from the Ansrehist moveraont
fn disgust, and it was not uatit 1992 when I was working in my hometown of
Zhattanooge, ‘Tennessee, a8 an anti-racist community organizer, that Iran into 0
\narchist wasted Jolin Johnson and once again made contact. He gave me an ise of
save and Rage newspaper, and as s result, {contacted Cheis Day of Lave and Rage,
tnd conirades in WSA in New York The rest, as they say, is history. I have been beck
vith a vengeance ever sinc

ul of & sudden, 1 see there are now others in the movement whe understand the
‘vorkiugs of white supseumacy and they bave encouraged me to rewrite this pamphlet I
ave gratefully dene so, Why am I an Anarchist? I have an alternative viefon for the
‘evolutionary process. There isa hetter way. Let us get oo with it!

WHAT I BeELieve
MI anarchists do not believe ia the same things. There are differences and the feld is
road enough that those differences cas coexist and be respected. 80 I don't naw
TM others believe, XJust know what I belive in and I will spell ut it simply, but
horoughly.
Peneve in Black liberation, to Cam a Black revolutionary believe that Black people
Feghhressed both as workers and a distinct aatiouaity, and will only be freed by a

Dekeve in the destruction af the world Capitalist Syatem, so Xam an and-dmpertaist,

‘ars, and millions of people starving for the profit motive of the rich countries iv the
‘Weay I believe In racial justice, so I am an auu-racist, The Capitalist system was

Page 61
mated by and ls maintained by enslavement and celonlal oppression of the African
‘people, and before there willbe a aoclel revolution white supremacy mast be defeated.
Lalao belfove that Africans in America are colonized and exist as an internal eoloni
of the US, white mother ecumtry. I believe that white workers must give up their
privileged status, their "white identity,” snd must support racially oppressed workers
In their fights for equality and national liberation Freedom cannot be bought by
eneleviog and exploiting others, 67

I belleve in social justice and economic equality, so I sm a Libertarian Socialist. 1
believe that soclety und sll partes responsible for its production should share the
economie products of labor. I do not believe ia Capitalism ér the state, and believe
they both should be overthrown and abolished 1 accept the economic critique of
Marzinth, but not its model for political organizing, T eecept the anti-authoritarian
critique of Anarchism, but not ts rejection of the clas struggle.

1 belleve in workers control of society and industry, so I am an Anarcho-Syndlcals.
‘Anarchist Syndleslism Is revolutionary labor unlonism, where direct action tactics
are used to fight Capitalism and take over industry I believe that the factory
committees workers! councils and other labor organizations should be the
workplaces, and should take control from the Capitalists after a direct action
campaign of sxbotage, strikes, sit downs, fectory occupations and other actions.

1 donot believe in government, and 90 T am an Anarchist believe that government it
one of the worst forms of modern eppression, is the source of war and economic
oppression,'and must be overthrown. Anarchism means that we will have more
dderoocracy, sola} equallty, and economic prosperity. I oppose all forms of oppression
found tn modem seclety: patritrchy, white supremacy, Capitalism, State
Communism, religious dictates, gay dscrimination, etc.

MTU eC Ta AU CL Mh |

Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin wis born and raised in Chattanooga, Tennessee in 1947.
‘What he calls the "segregated South" of the 1950's and 60's was an environment of
violence, racism, poverty and rejection. A youth street gang member, Brvin joined the
Natlonal Association for the Advancement of Colored People when he wat 12 years
‘old, and took part in the 1960 sit-in protests which changed racial discrimination x
pubile accommodation in the city and throughout the South. After being drafted, he
served two years in the U.S. Army, where he became a Vietnam anti-war organizer,
which revulted in his court-martial and dismissal by higher officials. Returning home,
hae jolued the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1967 before it merged
{temporsriiy) with tho more militant Black Panther Party for Self Defense.

In the wake of the urban Black rebellions that rocked the USA afler the ascassipation
of Dr. Marta Lather King, Jr. In the Spring of 1968, an attempt was mnde to frame
Ervin on weapons charges and fer threatening the life of 2 local Kian lender. In order
to escape protecution on these charges, Ervin hijacked x plane to Cuba in February
1969, It was while in Cuba, and later n the then Republic of Czechoslovakia, that he
first became disilistoned with state sectalism, recognizing it as dictatorship *period,
not as the “dictatorship of the proletariat’, as many Communist governments
claimed.

{In 1969, Ervin was captured by the CIA while in Eastern Rurope and breught back
to the U.S. for trial. Afler s farce of a trial in x small town in Georgia, where he faced
the death penalty before an all-White jury, judge, prosecutors, and defense

Page 62

attorneys, in 1970 he was sentenced to spend the rest of his life in prison.

Ervin remained politically sctive in prison where he was first introduced to the ideals
of Aaarehisu by Auarchist political prhoner Martin Sastre. 14 1979, Ervin wrote
Anacchisu and the Bléck*Revolution and other pamphlets that are probably among
some of the widely read writings on Anarchist theory. Anarchism and the Black
Revolution is still popular, snd has gane thraugh several priatings. v
Ervin was also involved in many prison struggles, the carly 1970s prison unien
organizing campaigns qnd the Black prisoner movement or that period. Because of
years of solitary confinement and prison mail 0 his cate was kept in
obscurity, and {¢ was not until he was éne of the “Marion rothels,” a group of
priscners who became well known as they’strugeled against the first Control Unit at
Marion Federal Penitentiary, that his case became a public concern. Ervin's own
legal challenges and sn international campaign eventually led to his release from
prison after 15 years of incarceration.
‘Unlike many ex-prisouers, Ervin Was politically active immediately upon his release.
He worked for the Concerned Citizen for Justice (CC2) in Chattanooga, » local civil
‘rights group, and led 4 10-year campaign ageinst police brutality and Ku Klux Klan
penetration of the police department, which resulted in the Chief of Police aud the
Police Commissioner resigaing, This occurred after the CC3 hosted 4 long campaign
of mass demonstrations and lawsuits over the deaths of mumerous Black and poor
people wito were killed aver the years by rack officers. As CCJ President and Taga!
Redress Chair, Ervin was algo pritsarily responsible for the filing of a class action
layauit by several Black orgenizations and the ACLU, which resulted in the
restructuring of city government, and the election of several Black City
Commissioners.

In 1987, Ervin helped oryanize a major mobilization against the Klan that resulted in
the Klan being sun out of town. Also in 1987, Ervin wes primarily responsible fr the
fiting of « major civil rights lnwauit that sucetesfully forced the city af Chattansoga to
change its structure of governarice on the basis that it systematically dlsempowered
the Black community. In retaliation for his activism, the white power structere has
sought to frame Ervin up on a number of charges, the last being his arrest on
misdemeanor charges in the "Chatlanooga 8" case. In that east, Ervin was arreated
‘with several other activists in the Ad Hoe Coalition Againer Racism and Police
Brutality (which succeeded the Concerned Citizens for Justice) for bis participation
{in a demonstration agulust the fallure of a grand jury to bring any criminal charges
‘ugainst policemen who choked a Black motorist, Larry Powell, to death in February
1993.

Mr. Ervin now lives im Kalamazoo, Michigan, and works with the Southwest
Michigan Coalition Against Racism and Police Brutality, and the Black Autonomy
Network of Community Organizers.

Since lite 1993, Mr, Ervin has been on an North American and international
‘speaking tour talking about his experiences to other community organizations, college
students and other interested pertous, He has alao beet trying to build am anti
authoritarian network of community organizers, sapecially in black and poor
Reighborhoods, which can serve a3 a new radical grassroots movement for social
change.

63
AVAILABLE FOR SPEAKING TOURS AND IMMEDIATE BOOKING
Forinformation about booking Mr. Ervin to speak at your institution; please contact:
Lorenao Kon?bea Ervin

P.O. Bex 19962 e?
Kalamizoo, MI. 49006
e-mail: kembor@hottaniLeom or komboa@rocketmall.com

URL CMCC Om tc ey

A was reading 2 leter Irom an sctivit a few days ago sbout the protests around the
Democratic and Republican political conventions this past Summer, and nbout how
the media distorted and covered up everything that happened. Did you know that
‘over 3,000 persons hare been arrestel since the November 30, 1999 demonstration in
Seattle? There hes been widespread police brutality and repression of all those
protests mentioned, and those in Washington, D.C., Minneapolis, Cincinnati, end
other cities in the USA. For instance, in San Franciscy thie pest October,
demonstration of thourands for death row political prisoner Mumia Abu Jamal, was
broken up by a “riot squad’ of city cops and state police, for no reason other. than to
express cop hatred and to exert police power over the participants. Young peonle
‘ern beiten, sprayed with oxie chemicals, and illegally arrested for x0 other reason
than police stte terrorism.

‘Yet the corporate mass media has said nothing about these incidents, and if any of
‘them hs been reported it has been in a seasatlonalistlc fashion, designed to Justify the
cop violence, They broke windows, were not "the right kind of ‘or were
troublemakers. So go ahead and beat them officers! To the media, there is no thing
such thing as police bratality, nor a eonspieacy to stifle the right ditto hy those In
Dover. Iastesd it glves more attention to w3-legged dog, axcae wit} méttin chops, talk
show contestants, or the latest netlons of “officer’Frfedly™ with toddlero me pre-
schobl; than repotting on police corraption. and rwurdet. Pic meta likes to pretend it
4s objective and that itis 2 budwark of the mastes of peeple sgainst government
excesses, but what It realy is, Is a handmaken to the lits and distortion of the
government snd its agents.

‘We have now also seen years of media concentration and buyouts by mega
telecommuntcations corporstions, which means that tHere are ever fener independent
oF progressive voices out there and hardly any in the mainstream media. So when the
state and the rich capitalist ows the media, 30 how can the truth ever be told? Now
there are no governmental controls on media operations or corporate restructuring, 1
‘mem the same company, whether the phone company, newspaper company, or even
the public utilities, can own all media outlets in a community, enturing that only one
voice will ever be heard, and hat there will be no challenges to the stnuus quo. So
whit are we to do?

‘A namber of things: one isto create and support independent and radical medi like
the Michigan Citizen, 7, Magazine, Aftienn Frontline News, and ether radical rredia,
‘Also there are the online publications like the Independent Media Ceaters in over 39)
ties and 10 countries around the world, which were instrumental In getting even the
minimal word out thal did get to us. And the various Black community newspapers
have been around for ages-they are the oldest alternative press service in the USA.
Yes, alternative and underground media are important, but they are not enough, just

Page oa
yet anyway, £0 contend with the mass media, which reaches millions, We have to
demand aecountability from the capitalist mass media as well. Although they have
control of the airwaves, they do.not own them. That belongs fo the people, not the
‘capitalists or the government. Sowe must fight to liberate them, not just assume that
we can do nothing. I believe that accountability is possible, bat will not happen
without w fight o
‘Actuully this is «free speech issue as well esa political istue. I's a free peeeh istue in
that we are fighting to get our words out to a wider public, and cur fight is political
because we ate fighting entrenched corporate pawer on behalf of the masses of
people.

‘What can we do? J beliave that instead of unanswered letters to the medi or FCC,
‘we need to start to have demonstrations at TV stations and networks, and even try to
‘isrupr tive and taped broadcasts, hold picket fines outside TV studios and sit-ng at
the offices of management, and other protests. We need to fight for media access for
our grassroots community groups and insurgent political groups to fell our own
stories, and counter the lies of the government and corporations. We uced W alse put
pressure on corporate sponsors of uews and entertainment programs to niot push
{hese pro-police, racist, and demagogic entertainment shows, We need to fight 10 get
other perspectives than the government line (ie. radical Left views} on nightly
newscasts. We must end media censorship of our ideas,

Know this is aot 4 perfect plan, but I wanted to got us thinklag om this, We'nced
direct action campaign against the capitalist media, us well as the WTO, the racist
cops, croaked bosses, and otner oppressive institutions under this system. Iremember
something somebody told me a long time ago, no other revolution had ta contend with
television and its mass brajnwashing of the populace like in madera America and the
world. Thi ravelution wonife televised, but it must be neutralized,

Be Careful What You Ask For

“Tam surg by now that many of you bavo asked yourselves how it could be that
sominally Black led government, which presides over a majority Black police force,
and which is leented in Detroit, « majority Black city, could be the number #1 city in
the nation for police murders of civilians, again the majority of whom are Black. 1
scents Co yo aysinst “conventions! wisdom," Tam sure many would say. But doa't be
so sure.

remember in the 1960's when all things "Black' were deemed automatically "good"
by so many in our community, that the call began to go forward for "Black Power" in
government. Now, admittedly "Black faces in high places" was aot what we had it
mind, but we were tired of being segrogated against, beaten and robbed, even
‘murdered by the white man represented by the Mayors of eltes and their police, and
‘had the waive ides along the lines of "what could a brother do that was worse? Ifit'
4 mies i'l be Blseke mess this time!"

Before Detroit got this usenviable reputation ss the pelleo murder capital, [
remember how, years ago, all this happened in Attanta, and it offers the leston for us
here.

Wt was 1973, and that Dixie city had never had a Black Mayor, and the winds of
politizal change were in the air. Ivan Allen, a Jewieh pragrestive, was in office, slong
with his Black Vice Mayor, Maynard Juckson, who had political ambitions of hit
‘own, That year Atlanta ted the entire world In te nuraber of fatal police sheotings of

Page 65
ciritians,(33) the majority Black. Every week # cop pumped somebody full of lend, It
‘seemed that they would never stop, and we knew it was the white power structure out
‘o intimidate the Black community with racist cops.

Insome of the more middle clas "civil rights” circle, the call began to
‘lection of a Black Mayor, and “more Black police officers and commande:
‘would hear this on the news medis
front of eity hall, not to demand justice for the
cops inoffice.

AAs irony would have it, they got their wish, vice-mayor Jackson broke away and
‘began & campaign ageinet Allen, and with the support of the civil rights and Inbor
‘communities handily whipped him at the polls. But one of the first acts of the new
‘mayor was ‘o “tern* on his new "alles" only weets after taking office.

A bitter garbage workers strike hed broken oud, and when union and civil rights
leaders came to cty hall to remind Jacison of his "debi" to them, te repaid it ina
‘eruel fashion, He called upon the hundreds of newly-hired Black police officers to net
‘asan employer's army to brutally beat the workers and drive them forcefully out of
‘ity hall. These same Black officers they had loudly screamed for the tity fo hire,
‘were now bloodying their heads as bratally as any white cop!

Jackson went on to use the police to totally break the strike and a ta-even bretk

jefims, but more Black politicians and

the AFSCME unlon, which represented city garbage worker!
he "modernized" police operations, by bringing in a variety of
police administrators, even hired more women and gay officers, and he removed the
‘hated white officials Eke Police Chief John Inman, and publicly at least he denounced
police excesses by *whitet officers. In addition to Chief Inman, he evex got rid of
many of the old line white southern officers. K's only now we know that police
brutality and murder did not end, even if it was driven underground for years. The
{fact that "one of our own" was in power excited sume in the black community more
than social Justice of any sort, ns long as the hand on the levers of power was Black,
To this day, Attanta stlt has a large number of police murders of civilians. And i's
stil extler for a Black mayor to getaway witht.

So if you want to know hew Dennis Archer got in office, ifs important to know that
the Black community teected* him there, Of cosrse, the while buokers and
Dusinessmen love hits, and he is also & darling of the national Democratic party, and
1s far a3 they are concerned ean do no wrong. But the Blaek community gave him his
political carver, and he has given a free hind to the pollee, without tragie results.
Itused to be ssid that 2 Black police offcer was "not nearly 28 brutal" as n white one.
‘We should now know this Is not true, about 50 dead in Detroit since 1995. Since
‘Archer was been Mayor his predominately-Black police force has declared war on the
coumumity, and Detrolt is #1, not in job or housing development, but killing civilians.
‘Why was he elected inthe first place?

By this time, you are probably saying to yourselves, "why Is Lorenzo talking about all
this?”

‘Welt, after yet another police brutality incident on Jaruary 13* at the Detreit Auto
show, which resulted In the beating of several young blacks by Detroit PD efficers,
Greg Bowens, Mayor Archer's press secretary, in the Mayor's defense, stated: "To
ven suggest that the Mayor as & Black mam would order the cops te bent up another

‘Black man is i ing, imensitive and’ ridiculous!” Weil, afl I enn sny i, be careful
hat you ms for, you just may gett! * originally printed in early
(2061

Page 66

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