DISPATCHES FROM |

MINNEAPOLIS)
(2015) |

 
DISPATCHES FROM MINNEAPOLIS

second edition
SUMMER 2016
DISPATCHES FROM
MINNEAPOLIS

oO: the 15th of November 2015, Jamar Clark was shot by a Minneapolis
police officer in the early hours of the morning. A variety of factors,
most notably the allegation from witnesses that Clark was handcuffed at
the time of the shooting, led to a significant outcry on social media calling
for justice. Very quickly a press conference and protest was called for by the
NAACP at the location of the shooting.

‘The shooting took place James & Plymouth Ave in North Minneapolis,
a predominantly black neighborhood of the city. In 1967, Plymouth Ave
was the scene of a so-called race riot, where black insurgents battled police
for multiple nights as they looted and burned stores. In 2002, another po-
lice shooting set off a riot in North Minneapolis when residents attacked
police and burned media vehicles at the scene. Earlier this year it was des~
ignated as a federal “promise zone” which is aimed at spurring economic
development, one of eleven in the country. Also on this list is St. Louis
County.

  

 
November 15th

‘Throughout the duration of the NAACP's press conference, small inter-
ruptions took place as people that appeared to be residents of the block
‘were upset at the invasion of activists and media into their home. While
activists chanted or sang for the cameras, neighbors observed it as the
spectacle it was, and often interjected that singing didn't change things, or
that the activists were just "playing games." In spite of, or even because of
this tension, activists usually spoke of their actions as those of "the com
munity.” This tension, palpable from the beginning, would continue for
some time

 

   

   

After the press conference wrapped up, people gathered at the intersection
of James & Plymouth for a march. People held hands and stood blocking
the street on both ends of the block. This was declared to be a “no cop
zone,” although only symbolically. I's worth noting that there was almost
no police presence, a fairly common strategy for de-escalation. The march
then started moving west toward the nearby MPD precinct. Once there,
speakers addressed the crowd once more. At one point, a brick was hurled
at the building.

‘As the sun set, people discussed what to do next. Some were very adamant,
about marching to some event nearby where the Mayor and Police Chief
would be. Others intended to stay at the precinct, supposedly to pressure
the officers inside to do something. Both occurred, some marched to the
‘Mayor while others occupied the vestibule of the precinct. Late into the
nntrance to the building was also blocked while people threw
bottles at police and sabotaged their vehicles.

   

 

 
November 16th

To the surprise of many, those camped in the precinet’s vestibule were not
arrested or evicted by the police. The occupation grew, with tents and a fire
pit sprouting up throughout the day.

In the evening, people took to the streets once again, this time to take over
a freeway. 94W was blocked for over an hour, as police facilitated drivers
stuck in trafic onto the closest exit. One driver plowed through the crowd,
which resulted in a short brawl between angry protesters and the police
trying to protect the vehicle. Eventually the police gave a final warning to
those blocking the freeway and those not comfortable with offering them-
selves up for arrest left. A spontaneous march then took place, back to the
occupied precinct.

Even given the impromptu and unorganized nature of the late march,
Black Lives Matter marshals remained in control. Directing traffic, reg
ulating how many lanes we were allowed to take up; “ensuring everyone’
safety,” as they say. These protest marshals have been a constant feature of
actions put on by Black Lives Matter and other similar organizations, and
most of the time can be recognized by their yellow vests. The marshals are
tasked with keeping the crowd under control and de-escalating situations
in the street. These marshals act as a (possibly unconscious) extension of
the police, who no longer need to be present in large numbers,

 

  

In this way, these activist groups are policing the neighborhood in a way
that the uniformed cops were unable to do. This is one of the most funda
mental aspects of counter-insurgency doctrine, also known as community
policing. When the legitimacy of the police is undermined—as it is in the
aftermath of high profile police shootings—trusted community organiza~
tions step in to police the population. In this case, Black Lives Matter, the
NAACP, NOC, and a number of other groups keep everyone in line so
the Minneapolis Police Department can avoid direct confrontations which
would escalate what were passive protests at the moment into potential ri-
ots, Without these groups organizing and containing the demonstrations,
the police would have to deal with the unpredictable activity of those an-
gered by the shooting, and have nothing but brute force to handle it.
In one attempt to counter these efforts, the following flyer was distributed
along the march on the 16th:

You've probably heard the chant NO JUSTICE NO PEACE, but what

does it mean?

NO JUSTICE: Justice is a vague word. For some people, justice can

mean arresting or prosecuting killer police officers. Others aren't sati
fied by this—believing that the entire system is either broken or even
designed for the purpose of maintaining white supremacy. No matter
how we define justice, odds are if we're chanting this, we don't have it.
NO PEACE: Until we get justice, zBey will get no peace. ‘They’ can be
understood as the police, as the politicians and officials, perhaps cap-
italists, or all of those who maintain this system of white supremacy,
of patriarchy, and capitalism. These are the people that will receive no
peace. Which begs the question why this is often chanted while being
peaceful? If we wish to receive justice, however we define it, we wont
receive it by peaceful means. The police want more than anything to
preserve control—and this isthe same task as those who are tasked with
de-escalating and marshaling the crowd. In response to this, we must
become uncontrollable
.wotherwise we're just playing games.
Late into the night, Jamar Clark was taken off of life-support, and pro-
nounced dead.
November 17th
Anticipating potential anger over the announcement of Jamar’s death,
Black Lives Matter calls for “healing spaces” at the precinct on Tuesday
night. The occupation continues.
November 18th
Early in the afternoon, a SWAT team raided the occupation of the 4th
precinet’s vestibule. For the next several hours, the occupiers and their sup-
porters rallied in front of the station that was now blocked off by police
‘The scandal, according to many activists, was that this raid took place while
the Mayor was meeting with the so-called “leaders” of the protest. The
problem here is twofold: we must not negotiate in any way with those in
power, and we must not put anyone in a leadership position to do so. There
should be no interest in meeting with the Mayor, nor should the absence
of select individuals be debilitating to an action.
People began to surround the building and blockade all entrances the pre-
cinct. As the night progressed, police attempted to regain ground by mak-
ing sudden charges only to retreat just as quickly. These maneuvers often
included mace and marker rounds, and prompted objects to be thrown
from the crowd, although just as many felt obligated to deride their fellow
demonstrators with chants of ‘peaceful protest.” Large tarps were fixed to
the fences at the side entrances in order to block the view of the police as
well as impede their "less lethal" weapons.
“The blockade of the police station is significant because it attempted to

 
make real what has only been symbolically declared just a few days ago: a
no-cop zone, in the strictest understanding of policing as a job. Not only
were police prevented from leaving the station or changing shifts, officers
began to run out of supplies such as water bottles throughout the course
of the night. It was not much later that allegedly some of the leadership
organizations agreed to leave the east side of the precinct alone, effectively,
breaking the potential of the blockade.

Its notable that the building has not always housed the MPD precinct.
‘This would explain it’s vulnerabilities, the relative ease with which the sta~
tion was occupied and later blockaded. The west side of the precinct did
not even have a single surveillance camera, which was made up for by a
mobile camera tower erected a few days earlier. This camera was eventually
toppled and used to barricade the west entrance.

As more marker rounds were fired at the crowd, they were met with more
volleys bottles and rocks. Pleas for peace went ignored as bricks were bro-
ken up and hurled over the fence at the cops. A dumpster from the alley
was dragged out to ensure an escape route, but too wet from the rain to
ignite. The street fighting continued for hours, as bricks were thrown from
behind cars while dodging the rounds fired by the police. As the crowd
thinned out, multiple molotov cocktails were launched at the cops.

Very quickly, many activists laid the blame on “white anarchists” for the
violence, something the police chief picked up on the next day for her press
conference. This erases the fact that many people who fought the police
were black, and whose political affiliations could not easily be determined.
Most militants appeared to be from the neighborhood, unlike the activists
telling them what is or isn't acceptable forms of resistance. However it is
also likely that some of the rioters were also from other neighborhoods,
citics, or even states. It is important not to legitimize the outside agitator
rhetoric by responding with facts to the contrary, but to recognize that itis
currently the simplest tool for the pacification of revolt.

 

  

  
The next day, the following piece was circulated online and in print
amongst the camp:

On Throwing Rocks, or Thoughts on the Demon-
stration at the 4th Precinct in Minneapolis, Minnesota
onll/18

“[T he time of passive resistance has ended, that nonviolence was a

useless strategy and could never overturn a white majority regime bent

on retaining its power at any cost”— Nelson Mandala

“Yall are some singers. Vall are just like thems, youére all cps." A man

at Sunday's demonstration at the 4th Precinct.
As the cloud of mace lifted, the same calls for ‘peaceful protest!”—con-
verted later into a chant—were heard above the thronging panicked
crowd. Indignant rants of fury against violence would follow. But
what does this righteous rage against “undeserved violence” and “un-
accountable police work” presuppose? That there is deserved violence
and accountable police work. What does this accountable, correct use
of violence look like for a police force tasked with protecting the given
distribution of power in a country like the United States, a country
founded on the violence of dispossession and slavery; a country kept
alive by vicious colonial expansion abroad and precise mechanisms of
internalized normality at home? We got to see both sides of this power
operation last night when the essential violence of the cops was met with
the injunction to be peaceful by many of the protesters
But who defines what “violence” is? And who decided that being “peace-
ful” was not only the best strategy, but the only possible one? In short,
the cops did, but the cops conceived as a mechanism. The police are
really nothing other than a mechanism for neutralizing threats to the
state’s monopoly on violence, a monopoly that includes the authority
to define it. Hence the activists’ repeated claims that ¢hey can police
their neighborhoods. They're right, and in this sense, the angry man at
Sunday's demonstration was entirely correct. The consequences of this
“community policing” became immediately obvious when they physi-
cally excluded his body and voice by forming a circle and singing over
him.
Let us not forget COINTELPRO's expressed aims in the 6018:“Prevent
violence on the part of black nationalist groups. This is of primary im-
portance.” And what was their fear concerning a so-called “black messi-
ah?” That he “abandon his ‘obedience’ to ‘white, liberal doctrines’ (nonvi-
olence).” Thus, when protesters, and especially the activists, declare their
‘own righteous peaceful purity, they do so only by excluding the hooded
‘ones near the back who chose to throw water bottles, stones, bricks, and
trash cans at the police macing us. Is it really surprising that, after the
cops clearly retreated while being pelted with stones, the activists still
present the self-congratulatory and yet self-victimizing image of the
pacifist protester? When activists make calls to “prosecute the police”
and to “have black cops in our neighborhoods,” they are merely express-
ing rage at the most flamboyant aspects of a fluid power dynamic that
systematically colonizes abroad and at home. They just want to pretty it
up. Asa 16 year old yelled at the black cop who came to replace a white
cop: “fuck you too, you can go home as well.”

When activists declare that the stone throwing was merely a reaction
to the violence of the police and assure the media that it was quickly
quelled, they rob the event of it’s plurality and exclude those “who don't
get it,” who “were raised differently,” or who “strongly reacted.” It doesn't
matter what race the person is saying itis, this is colonial logic that de
facto excludes any form of resistance that doesn't appeal to the police,
the state, and the media. It implicitly, through its own violent exclusion
of the resistance of others, supports the world as it is. It is reactionary.
"In its simplest form this nonviolence signifies to the intellectual and
economic elite of the colonized country that the bourgeoisie has the
same interests as they.” (Frantz Fanon) And when they declare that this
violence will only provoke the police into attacking us (or even imply
that those hit with marking bullets brought it upon themselves) this
legitimizes the violence of the police, while delegitimizing the violence
of the kids throwing bottles. Thus, again, activists show themselves to be
doing the work of the police.

What is forgotten every time a well-meaning activist calls for peace in
the face of rock throwing at a demonstration is that they are deciding,
again, that ¢hey are the ones who get to define what violence is and
where it begins. For them, disrupting a highway is not violence, but
throwing a bottle is violence; blocking police inside their station (phys-
ically stopping bodies’ ability to move) is nonviolent, whereas slashing
tires is violent; and, of course, physically and verbally excluding those
who have a different idea of what violence is, in the most spectacular
reversal yet, not violence, but telling a cop you'll “beat his ass right now”
is violent. Later, the activists play hero because of their own “bravery in
the face of arrest or police violence” while again imploring those who
also took risks by throwing stones (but perhaps didn't want to throw
their bodies into an ineffective gesture), to “stop their violence.” Again,

 

 
the enlightened elite ~the religious leaders, activists, and intellectuals-
both black and white, know what's best for people who just don't un-
derstand what needs to happen. They dont get it that their rea! solution
wonkt come from self-determined revolt, but from [Insert here: Appeals
to the media/Peaceful demonstration/Socialism/Anarchism/Pan-Afri-
canism/martyrdom],

‘This is not a call for unrestrained and random violence. This is not a call
from a hardened militant. This isa call to respect the diversity of tactics,
and the self-determinate violence that already exists on the streets, to
the shame of the professional activists. This is a call for plurality and
coordination in a decisive time.

~ Someone standing in the back
November 19th

Despite the eviction of those in the vestibule, the occupation of the pre-
cinct’s lawn continued to grow, with a couple hundred gathering in re-
sponse to Black Lives Matter’ call for a mass occupation in the evening.
People gathered around fire-pits, and handed out donated pizzas as well
as warm clothing. As tempting as it would be to call it an autonomous
space, the reality was that even with the uniformed officers idling behind
the barricades, it was still densely policed by marshals, activists and the
abundance of cameras. Several elected officials were invited and spoke to
the crowd, hoping to soothe any rebellious tensions still present from the
previous night.

‘They were not entirely successful, as the precinct was decorated by mul-
tiple graffiti writers. One activist yelled to the police about it, which was
followed by more marker rounds being shot into the occupation. Two men
were later arrested, accused of being the vandals, but the charges were not
filed at the time.

 
As the activist groups struggle to regain control of the movement, it
seemed as if their legitimacy has been irreparably damaged in the eyes of
those interested in fighting against the systems of oppression, however that
optimism would later turn out to be unfounded.

As mentioned earlier, the language of “community” was used as a tool for
pacification by the protest leadership and the authorities. During a few
days of calm at the occupation, the following text was published and, like
the previous one, distributed in print at the fourth precinct.

The Clash of “Communities;” the State ofthe Oc-
cupation at the 4th Precinct
‘A man who has a language consequently possesses the world expressed
and implied by that language." ~ Frantz: Fanon
Ok, let's take a look at this mess:
+ “Together as a community we are going through something no com-
munity wants to face together... It is the dignity of neighborliness, the
dignity of community, itis the dignity of the city of Minneapolis... Itis
that strength that will carry us through as a community. ..My vision is
that we catalyze this moment for peace. .that we strengthen the bonds
of our communities with police and with each other.” (Mayor Hodges)
+ “All different types of people from the community are protesting,”
(Comment on Twitter)
+ “Earlier on Friday, Minnesota governor Mark Dayton met with Min-
neapolis mayor Betsy Hodges, NAACP leaders, the commissioner of
the department of public safety and other officials to discuss measures
such as community policing.” (From an article in the Guardian)
+ “Community has been up all night.” (From the Black Lives Matters
Twitter)
+ “Tensions between black community, Minneapolis police resurface af-
ter fatal shooting.” (Title of an article in the Star Tribune)
+ “Augsburg college and its students are a part of the Minneapolis com-
munity and have been affected by the homicide of Jamar Clark, lack of
police accountability, and structural racism and targeting and harming
communities of color.” (Augsburg ADSG)
+ “It seems to me, you all don't want help from the white community.”
(Comment on Twitter)

 

   

Wait, what? I'm sorry, but communities inside of communities inside
of what community? The Minneapolis community, the black commu-
nity, the north side community, the white community: is community
a place, an attribute, or something else? Regardless of our own conf-
sion at the occupation, the city and police certainly know already. On
the insidempd website, there is a section titled “Community. ” Under
that heading are the sub-headings “Crime Prevention,” “Investigative
Crime Mapping,” “City and Precinct Crime Statistics,” “Policies and
Procedures Manual,” and “Chaplains and Chiefs Council.” Commu-
nity, for the city, is first of all an activity, not a static group of people.
But what is that activity? Clearly, lawful self-management, or, in oth-
cer words, self-policing. Community is an operation, laden with moral
‘overtones, to attempt to cause policing as an activity to proliferate. And,
as anyone at the 4th precinct on Friday could see, it must be working
quite well since two groups nearly came to fists over the idea—a tame
‘one—that someone might burn the American flag. We need to drop the
idea that the police are merely here to repress us. They repress us like
the shepherd represses sheep: sure, he blocks their potential movement
with fences and guard dogs, but he encourages them to move and in-
termingle within the prescribed area. This injunction to “live! But live
the right way!” is reflected in the petitions directed at the police to “sce
how peaceful we were being” when we were maced, or in the Augsburg
ADSG’s recent demand to “provide community oversight of the po-
lice with full disciplinary power” and to “require that officers live in the
communities in which they serve.” Community, here, isan extra-juridi-
cal term,a super-policing term used to transform the abstract Law into
4 moral category. This is the community of priests, the Priests of Order
that creates its blessed ones and its pariahs every time someone tells a
16 year old that he’s “hurting the movement” when he throws a bottle

‘A lot of the confusion on the ground is a result of wanting to think
“community” as cither a place or as the hypostatized version of an at-
tribute. If its the first, that means that without anything happening,
we could enter or exit “the community” like a building or a park, which
‘would be meaningless. If it’s the second, that means that regardless of
what that group is doing, it forms a community, so that, if, for exam-
ple, all the poor and disenfranchised Irish immigrants in 19th century
‘New York City were put in isolation chambers and kept from interact-
ing, their merely “being Irish” would still make them a community, But
there’ really no reason to resort to philosophical abstractions: let’s say
they all worked full time in increasingly micro-managed and diversified
factories and lived in single family apartment units. Would they still
form a “working class Irish community?” Unfortunately, think the po-
lice are ahead of us on this question. They know that “community” has
no substance outside of the relations and connections between people.

 

  

 
 

‘The word itself comes from the Latin “communitatem” meaning “fel-
lowship of relations or feelings.” Relations or feelings, these are what is
held in common in a time of action. There is no “Community” that just
is and that is finally coming out to demonstrate as if out its cave. There
is only community happening or “being built” as Unicorn Riot said on
one of their Twitter posts.

In the end, there is no “Community” except as a meaningless abstrac-
tion. Let us drop this confusing term, Our tic to it is moral and not
strategic. It transforms the dynamic relations between words and bod-
ies into a mass of static bodies and “statements” removed from context
‘There are only communities (in the plural) flowing in and out of each
other, forming conscious and subconscious bonds, exchanging words
and telling stories, building fires and barricades, blocking police and po-
licing others, throwing rocks and snitch-jacketing. There are the com-
munities of friends and accomplices that blend in and out of each other
seamlessly; and there are the communities of police doing the same.
This strategic intelligence already exists outside the 4th precinct, but it
exists, paradoxically, side-by-side with the moral language of a church
of radicalism that breaks the essential bonds being built in our actions.
“This logic of sadness is the logic of pictures and theory, or, the logic of
death and dead things.
So, yes, communit(ies) continue to be built at the occupied 4th Pre-
cinct.The absurdity of the claim that “police from our own communities
should police us” becomes more obvious day after day as we see the con-
fusion around “community” come to a head. Let’s be clear: there are no
“police” outside of the “policing communities.” We not only donit need
the police—this is obvious—our own “leaders” are the ones responsi-
ble for personally reproducing it as a moral necessity at the occupation,
Down with the horrible monster, Community! Long live the commu-
nities!
“In the World through which I travel, Lam endlessly creating myself.”
~ Frantz: Fanon

~ A pariah of The Community

After the inspiring actions of the 18th, various organizations doubled

down on their efforts to lay claim to the occupation and pacify those hold-

ing it down. Politicians, clergy and the like made regular appearances at
the camp. The graffiti was removed, and the police were biding their time,
hoping the protest would fizzle out on its own.

Which indeed it might have. By the 23rd, rumor spread that Black Lives

 
‘Matter had agreed to disband the occupation, or at least move it elsewhere
where it would not contain such potential for conflict. A statement was
prepared for distribution at a march scheduled for the 24th that criticized
the organization's decision, although new developments meant that the
plan was abandoned and the following statement was never circulated:

Do Politician Lives Matter More Than Black
Lives?

After meeting with several elected officials, Black Lives Matter now
wants to call off “their” occupation. They seem to feel that being recog
nized by those in power is sufficient grounds for terminating any poten-
tial offensive capacity in the occupation. The camp that grew in front of
the 4th precinct represented a revolutionary potential, something that
threatened the status quo of white supremacy that the police are tasked
with maintaining. To give this up would be to hand the territory back
to the police, with which they would not simply return to normal but
they will make sure that nothing like this is ever possible again. Those
who rebelled will be hunted down, and the neighborhood will be po-
liced with even more intensity than before. We took space for ourselves
and built a new form of life—this is what those in power fear. This fear
has brought them to the bargaining table with the so-called leaders of
the movement. And if we want to put an officer behind the bars of the
prison industrial complex, then there might be room to negotiate. If we
want to abolish this white supremacist system, then there is nothing
they can offer us. Even if we want demands to be met, they haven't been.

Black Lives Matter would have us pack up and leave whenever it suites
their agenda. The truth is that they are afraid. Black Lives Matter finds
their common ground with the city in their fear of our newfound auton-
‘omy. We don't need leadership, and we dontt need their organizations to
make decisions for us, to tell us when to go home.

~ the underwear in a bottle of ortega salsa’

  

1 The police tweeted pictures of supposed "molotov cocktails” they had confiscated from
the occupation. Among other absurd combinations, a plastic bottle of ortega salsa with
children’s underwear stuffed in it as a wick was documented,
November 23rd

After a relatively calm couple of days, thi ced up very quickly when
a small group of masked men entered the camp, filming it. A few days ear-
lier, armed white supremacists had briefly walked through the camp and
made threats online. In this earlier group, ed one of them
and exposed his identity all over the inte on
to the earlier encounter, dozens quickly confronted the group, determined
that they were indeed hostile, and forced them out. A few marshals tried to
prevent an all out brawl as the white supremacists ran away. When

ran after them, the white supremacists opened fire, wounding fi

fully, everyone survived.

‘The police arrived soon after and secured the area, at least for their own
purposes. They took their time letting an ambulance in and maced those
attempting to reach the injured, while taunting the crowd by saying “this
is what you asked for.” Despite the past weel

centuries—many in the crowd still approache for help appre-
hending the shooter, If we haven't learned this lesson yet: the police are
not an entity for which the goal of protecting and serving is corrupted by
a few bad applies or policies. They are the enemies of anyone fighting for
liberation. As such, they will not help us nor do we want their help,

 
A few days after, the following first-person account and analysis was pub-
lished of the shooting.

Conflict in Minneapolis: Terrorism and Civil War

‘The night of the 23rd, white supremacists shot at people who chased
them out of the 4th Precinct occupation in Minneapolis. Later that
night, on the advice of a friend, I wrote the followin,
When they walked up to the precinct, they acted off Aloof: One was taking
wideo. Theres no way to easily describe their demeanor but it was certainly
hostile. I whispered to the people next to me that I thought those were the
‘white supremacists but I didn’ know fer sure. I approached behind perbaps a
dozen others to confront them. I picked up a stick of firewood, to use as a bat
if it came to that. People asked them what they were about. One said they
‘were here for Jamar. I could have sworn he stuttered as be looked at one of
the banners bung next to him to make sure he said the right name. The one
filming said they were trying to spread the cause. People didn't buy it. Some
“folks were being physically restrained by otbers. One in an SEIU bat held
‘back the crowd. We swere not allowed to be the aggressors against this group
that had been peaceful. The four had their bands up in surrender and were
pressed up against the fence when they decided to leave. People followed. Most
ipeaple were willing to throw down, but some yelled for calm. One of the four
«got socked in the face. Most people stopped a quarter of the way up the block,
‘where you could still se the precinct through the parking lot on the corner. I
‘wanted to follow and maybe get their plates. I walked up the block, but otbers
ran ahead of me. Then. POP POP POP POP POP I don't know what it is
at first. But then I see the muzzle flash. Then I hear it whiz by me. Then I
duck, lunging bebind the closest car for cover. This is the same move I made
ast week one block away when the cops shot less-lethal rounds at us, But these
‘weren't, While dodging bebind cars, I hear someone scream for help. Icall out

for folks to help them, then Iran back to the camp.

‘After the shooting, one primary reaction [on behalf of protesters] was
for it to be labelled terrorism. And that’s understandable, from a cer-
tain point of view. Making it clear that what the state does and doesn't
call terror shows that it's completely political in nature. Terrorism is
defined by how it is used, which is as an instrument of the state, That
which is terrorism is that which threatens the state's power. This would
explain why white supremacist attacks are not met with the same level
of repression, especially compared to anti-police rebellion. Most of the
time, however, people remain simply indignant on the double-standards
of the word's use, Some even appear desperate that the state recognize
them, with the seemingly endless calls for the government, as well as the

 
media, to use the word terrorism to describe the attack.

“The “protest leadership” in Minneapolis—the NAACP, the Black Lives
‘Matter leaders, non-profit NOC with Democratic Party ties, with a
significant amount of overlap between these groups—has reacted to the
shooting the same way the state reacts to terrorism. The calls for unity,
the security measures that are supposed to keep us safe but actually
do just the opposite. For example, it’s been called for that people are
not supposed to wear masks anymore at the 4th Precinct. But wearing
masks is a way to hide one’s identity from the police and surveillance
apparatus, which is crucial to any serious form of resistance. Of course,
‘we know that the leadership is dedicated to making sure that no re-
sistance ever becomes serious. People are quick to point out pote
“agitators” or “troublemakers” for expulsion with little evidence. This is
clearly a police operation designed to remove militants under the guise
of protecting the camp from white supremacists.

  

 

 

 

Ifi’s not terrorism, then what is it? Civil war. There is not a ninety nine
percent of us that needs to be enlightened by the proper literature or
media coverage, there are people who want to uphold white supremacy
and those who want to destroy it. And on the night of the 23rd, those
‘hwo groups came together to experience conflict, only attenuated by the
self-designated marshals restraining people. On the night of the 24th,
there was another shooting by suspected white supremacists as well, but
this time someone returned fire. As conflict across the world escalates,
this will happen more and more. And it’s certainly not glamorous; if
there's one thing I learned from almost getting shot, it’s that I'd prefer
not to do it again. But I'm not sure that’s going to be an option.

‘The shooting galvanized the leadership to drop their plans for leaving the

precinct, and instead called for resiliance.

November 24th

Over a thousand came to a march from the occupation to downtown and
causing rush hour gridlock before returning to the precinct for a concert
put on by the NAACP. The march was reminiscent of any liberal demon-
stration, or pethaps more accurately, parade, Chants of "fuck the police”
re-emerged as night fell, but stopped short of anything more.

Back at the occupation, an angry young man hopped the police barricade
in front of the building's entrance during the concert and was arrested. AE
ter no one said anything on the microphone about it, the concert was di
rupted until someone on stage was forced to acknowledge that there had
been an arrest—but not without placing the blame on the person arrested.
Later in the evening, suspected white supremacists once again shot at the
‘occupation, but this time, someone was prepared to return fire. Since that
night, white supremacists have not returned, at least not out of uniform.
Since their first appearance, the language of “agitators” has been used to de-
scribe them (as opposed to their political position as white supremacists),
which has lent itself very conveniently to the policing of protest. Instead of
being collectively against those hostile to the occupation, a paranoia began
to spread, casting aspersions on anyone who looked like they possessed the
potential to act of their own accord. Since “agitators” in general were con-
sidered the problem, militants who refused to be pacified were considered
to be equally dangerous as the ones who shot at us.

November 26th

“Thousands gather for’Thanksgiving and share food at the precinct. During
the day, a few officers were invited out for food and drinks as a photo-op.
Some participants who booed the police were swiftly denounced by ac-
tivists for being “violent.” Even a pathetic chant of “No justice, no peace,
prosecute the police” is shouted down,

Later that night, after most people have left, new rules of conduct for the
‘occupation are hammered out in a closed meeting before being announced
by Black Lives Matter on Facebook. People at the occupation are not al-
lowed to engage the police nor in “gang activities,” and any form of vio~
lence or property destruction is prohibited. All attempts at policing from
the supposed leadership have been crystallized in these rules.
November 27th

In South Minneapolis, several dozen march in a solidarity demonstration
with the Northside uprising. A sound truck blasting anti-police hip hop
followed the group the length of a major commercial artery during rush
hour on Black Friday. "The reception on the street was of enthusiastic sup-
port. Everyone was excited to take one of several hundred handouts that
‘was written to explain the march, and many joined a long the way. While
small, this is the first autonomous demonstration to take place throughout
this entire sequence. The domination of street actions by community orga-
nizations lead many to be suspicious of any call-out that does not provide
the name of an organizing body: This demonstration could have been step
towards the proliferation of autonomous actions that rendered the sup-
posed leadership irrelevant.

 

 
The following text was handed out in both english and spanish along the
march route:

Solidarity With The Northside Rebellion

This past week, rebels on the Northside have shown us what it means
to resist police violence. After the tragic shooting of Jamar Clark, who
may very well have been handcuffed when he was executed by the cops,
people marched on the 4th precinct before occupying it. They set up
tents, a kitchen, and more before the police tried to kick them out. In
response, the entire building was blockaded and all police assaults were
met with bottles, rocks, and other means. Since then, the occupation has
continued to grow in front of the 4th precinct, even in the face of attacks
by police and white supremacists.
‘Their actions inspire us. But we are not satisfied to sit passively and
applaud their actions, we know that being in solidarity means we must
spread the revolt. Police are violent everywhere, and so we must resist
them everywhere. The occupation in the Northside has proven once
again is that we dont need the police. All sorts of different people have
come together and been fed, clothed, given shelter and more.
‘They want us to go home and to return things to normal. But normal
for them is another black person shot dead by the cops every day across
the country,
Unfortunately, back on the Northside, the organizations fill the days with
meetings and workshops. Their constant presence is at least partially to
ensure the implementation of their new rules. The next several days are
fairly calm.
November 30th
‘The Mayor, along with city officials and others—including politicians who.
were close to the leadership—called for the occupation to end. This laid
the political groundwork for an impending eviction, rumors of which be~
gan cropping up that evening. This night, the police began staging for an
eviction, which spurred an emergency call out for solidariy. This was likely
an attempt by police to wear people down, as they made no attempt to
proceed with the eviction that night.
December 2nd
Itwas a somber night at the camp, with most people knowing that the raid
‘would happen soon. Like the days before, there had been rumors swirling
the camp for days that the cops were going to evict the camp the night
of the 2nd, although as the night went on, they became more and mo
credible. Some fiery literature was distributed to hopefully raise some of
that fighting spirit that had been such a force a couple of weeks earlier. The
icy-grip of the “leadership” was total; the message around the camp was
“We stand together, we stand in peace.” Close to 4am the police moved in
and quickly destroyed the occupation and made several arrests. Ever)

sed shortly after.
For now, it seems this wave of revolt has passed. Even after it was an-
nounced that the officers who were involved in Jamar Clark's murder were
not going to be charged, community organizations had honed their pacifi-
cation technicques, solidifying their control over potential unrest.

As this chapter closes, it is crucial that we revisit our tactics and strategies,
what worked and what didn't, in hopes that the next time we are better
prepared to resist the diverse

ces of order.

 
For more counter-information out of the Twin Cities check out:

CONFLICT MN
butps://conftictmn.blackblogs.org/

Other texts distributed at the 4th Precinct occupation:

Another Word For White Ally Is Coward
Can be found at Anti-State STL.
tps /antistateth nobles org/post/2015/08/21/another-word-for-esbite-ally-is-cowward/

‘What They Mean When They Say Peace
Can be found at CrimethInc.
‘rep/pae.erimethin.com/blog/2014/08/18/rabat-they-mean-when-they-say-peace/

The Making Of “Outside Agitators”
Can be found at CrimethIne.
bittp:/ ww crimetbinc.com/blog/2014/08/20/the-making-of-outside-agitator’/

You Can't Shoot Us All

Can be found at Unfinished Acts.
tps//unfinishedacts.noblogs.org/yourcant-shoot-us-all/
_ Minneapolis exploded ith
revolt, This revolt contended’
with both the police as well as