175.-communism-and-anarchy-in-rockford.pdf
Web PDF • Imposed PDF • Raw TXT (OCR)































Towards Communism
& Anarchyin Rockford



y
SU Rows peo keene lana
for Revolutionary Abolition
This essay was first published 1/30/21, on the website

ANARCHY IN
THE °BURBS

a collaborative nub ot intel dedicated to tne current uprisings
in the California Inland Empire, by and for IE locals

hltps://anarchyintheburbs.noblogs.org/post/2021/01/80/towards-communism-and-
anarchy-in-rockford-a-historical-analysis-from-20 1 1-to-2020-0f-revolutionary-
movements-in-rockford-illinois/
Towards Communism and Anarchy in Rockford

An Historical Analysis from 2011 to 2020 of
Revolutionary Movements in Rockford, Illinois

by

The Lewis Lemon Committee
for Revolutionary Abolition

Republished in zine format by:

True Leap Press: Publishing & Distribution

Anticopyright
Free to prisoners
The Lewis Lemon Committee for Revolutionary Abolition is
an informal crew based in Rockford and the surrounding areas.
They are anarchists, communists, and abolitionists developing

political analysis about history, conditions, tactics and strategy in
the region. They ground their work in anti-oppression politics
and organic intellectualism emerging out of class struggle.

To reach out or submit analysis, email them at
lewislemonrevcom@protonmail.com
Contents

History
Strengths, Highpoints

& Accomplishments
Weaknesses & Criticism

The Future

Suggested Readings


Rockford anarchists and revolutionaries (old and new), we were

amazed and overwhelmed by the militancy, mass participation and
energy over the past year. A group of comrades wrote this analysis about
2020 and the revolutionary movements in Rockford over the last decade
as a whole. Our analysis is not focused entirely on the uprising as in
previous pieces written such as Notes from the Rockford Rebellion as we felt
there were other important developments within the radical milieu over
the course of 2020 in Rockford that were not tied directly to the uprising.
By revolutionary, we mean that we want to see an end to racial capitalism
and the State. We want an end to this anti-black settler-colonial world.
We want to abolish the present state of things. We want communism and
anarchy. Communism for us means a set of social relations where we are
free and without needless hierarchy. We want a free and classless way of
life. That is our goal. The revolutionary movements in Rockford we
discuss in this text helped to develop strategies towards communism.

he past year has been one of the most explosive in history. For

Rockford is a small city withanascent left let alone anarchist or
revolutionary milieu. We find these analyses are helpful for us to develop
better strategies to fight back against racial capitalism and the State.
The document is a product of conversations and collaboration between a
variety of revolutionaries in Rockford. Small cities are not typically the
focus of revolutionary analyses and strategy. We were inspired by previous
things written in 2020 about Rockford movement, so a group of us who
have been struggling together decided to create this text. Creating a
regional analysis inspired by communism-anarchism and a variety of
autonomous revolutionary traditions (such as Zapatismo or Black Radical
Feminism) is important to us as it helps grounds our politics in the
material and strategic reality of our area. The text also allows a better
entry into our politics, as many new militants are not currently politicized
here with a theoretical orientation. This document is meant to provide
history, analysis, and suggestions about revolutionary practice and
strategy in our area.




JUSTICE 4
JOVAN
oo


History

The history in Rockford is critical to relay so people who have entered the
movement during 2020 can understand the contexts that revolutionaries
have been struggling in over the past ten years.

The primary struggles in Rockford that have generated the most popular
support in the community over the past ten years have been the mass
struggles against the police and economic inequality. We chose these
struggles as they show the central intersection of racial domination and
class exploitation in Rockford and how radical movements have failed to
grapple with these contradictions. While there have been moments of
mobilization against racism and police brutality over the past ten years,
they lacked an emphasis on class analysis as it relates to racialization.
While at the same time, the seemingly class conscious Occupy protests
were reductionist in how they approached the intersections of domination.
Furthermore, movement participants struggled to develop a clear analysis
of the role of the State within racial capitalism. All of this was compounded
by the lack of strong radical organizations, affinity and collectives.

We feel that the protests around socio-economic inequality were most
active during the Occupy Rockford movement. The importance of the
Occupy movement was the focus on the capitalist and financial classes’
exploitation and the class system within our society. Additionally, the
Occupy movement emphasizes how the political system was thoroughly
is essential for



controlled by capitalists. While we find that class analysi
developing any revolutionary movement, black participants within the
Occupy Rockford movement were often marginalized by the white
participants through microaggressions and acts of outright racism.
Furthermore, most of the Occupy Rockford participants were class

8
reductionists. Much of the Occupy movement's time in Rockford was spent
trying to engage with the Tea Party.

The Tea Party was a reactionary formation within the Republican Party
that was active at the time. These Tea Party activists have subsequently
transformed into the fascist street movement which stormed the capitol on
January 6th. It is critical that we smash fascism in the streets rather than
tolerating it. In many Occupy camps across the country, fascist
participants were chased out rather than tolerated. However, this did not
happen in Rockford as some Occupiers spent time trying to engage with
the Tea Party members. Most of the Occupiers went on to burn out or
organize within the Democratic Party for personal career opportunities.
Additionally, much of the Occupy energy from the liberal wing predictably
went into local “progressive campaigns” as well as the Sanders campaigns
in 2016 and 2020 which served to undermine the few efforts at autonomous
political action.

The anarchist and autonomous political roots of the Occupy movement
were for the most part marginalized because there was no camp or
assemblies. There was a division between the liberal wing of the Occupy
Movement who essentially wanted to be the Left wing of the local
Democrats (this faction eventually lead the Sanders campaign in 2016 but
has remained marginal mostly in terms of political influence locally) which
contrasted with the more anarchist wing of the Occupy Rockford
movement which was based mostly in the punk house “Disastr House” on
the West Side. Although punk can be a way to introduce anarchist politics,
it cannot be the basi



s of an anarchist political movement. In many ways,
the anarchists of Disastr House were not taken seriously as a result of the
association of anarchism with the subcultural punk movement. This
differed from Occupy movements across the country which had anarchist

9
politics that were grounded in historical traditions of class struggle and in
some cases anti-racism and abolition. The electoral opportunism and
subcultural politics are part of the reason that autonomous movements in
Rockford have struggled to develop. Despite this, many militants taking
part in contemporary struggles were politicized through their interactions
with social democratic wing of the Occupy movement as well as the
anarchist wing.

The movement against the police in Rockford emerges after the murder of
Mark Barmore in 2009 at the Kingdom Authority Baptist church. The
potential for rebellion was stifled by Jesse Jackson and the local Black
counter insurgency. In the following years, there were more murders of
black people by the police and private security which led to a variety of
protests which remained relatively peaceful compared to the rebellion we
saw this summer in Rockford. In many ways, these protests were
moderated by the white and black liberals who worked closely with the
Rockford Police Department. The few attempts at black autonomous
organization were often stifled through threats and repression. It was very
easy for the black middle class such as the NAACP to opportunistically use
the deaths of black people in the community at the hands of the police to
boost their own political careers in the city. Black middle-class
opportunists obscured their own roles in maintaining the power of the
police which so it was difficult to build a movement that was resilient to
back electoral and middle class opportunists. This is why we believe that
class analysis is so critically important. Male pastors tended to dominate
the leadership which marginalized the leadership and agency of black
women as movement participants. In terms of the Occupy Rockford, the
more liberal wing did not want to have anything to do with black
organizing efforts against the police (as they felt it took away from their
message) while the anarchist wing based out of Disastr House was labeled

10
by the black counter-insurgency as “troublemakers”. An alliance between
anarchists and black radicals against the police (as it has developed in some
cities) could have led to a more militant and mass based movement but that
did not happen. This was a missed opportunity which can be attributed
partially to the subcultural politics of the mostly punk-based anarchist
movement which tends not to be concerned a larger political strategy
against racial capitalism.



One of the major failures over the past ten years within the Rockford
movement has been to establish long lasting radical organizations,
collectives and affinity groups that could organize with a radical political
strategy in mind. To a large degree, this has to do with the lack of political
education internal to the radical environment which led participants to not

i
recognize why building long term radical formations was critical. This lack
of radical organizations in Rockford led to a mostly informal mobilization-
based culture driven by a few charismatic individuals rather than long-
term movement building. The few organizations that did emerge were
plagued with informal hierarchies and oppressive dynamics, such as anti-
blackness and transphobia, that remained unaddressed until it led to these
organizations fracturing. Many of us failed to create solid internal
organizational structures for these groups which lead to a lack of
accountability. Within these radical spaces, certain white petty-bourgeois
people prioritized their own careers and academia ahead of movement
building and direct confrontation with the State. The dominance of these
petit-bourgeois attitudes created an opposition to militant direct action
which ultimately hindered the building of robust movements in the city.
Instead, much of the energy was funneled into “dual power” and solidarity
economy projects. However, these projects were plagued by a lack of
connection to mass movements against local class enemies such capitalists,
landlords and police. The lack of a connection to struggle against the State
and Capital by radicals is a major reason that the radical scene has
remained mostly marginal and small. Instead of supporting and catalyzing
mass movements in the city, the lack of an effective strategy meant that
the radical spaces remained a social scene for the most part.

In general, there has been a lot of pessimism amongst Rockford
revolutionaries towards movement building over the past ten years. This
led to a lot of resentment, distrust, and anger within radical circles. The
attitude within Rockford radical spaces was often that “radical
organizing is happening elsewhere”. The immense task of building the
radical infrastructure in Rockford to many seemed an impossible task.
Often times instead of trying to organize events in Rockford, people would
go to larger cities. In fact, many people left Rockford to organize in

12
Chicago and other major cities who had already developed infrastructure.
These attitudes are counter-revolutionary and idealistic. There cannot be
a commune realistically in the Midwest without connections between
major metropolitan areas, small cities like Rockford, and the rural areas
that surround small cities. Autonomy, in a way that is meaningful, will
mean massive regional networks around food and production. The
pessimistic attitudes towards possibilities of radical organizing in
Rockford led to the weakness of the relationships formed between
revolutionaries as well as our relationships with the communities we exist
within. Many revolutionaries, with self-proclaimed radical orientation saw
compromising and working with Democrats as a good strategy because
“radical organizing couldn’t happen in Rockford”. It was there hope that
by doing this they would not “alienate” anyone. People were content to
hope that Bernie or some politician would win then fix it rather than taking
action against oppressive forces ourselves. The electoral strategy is
opposed to building radical cultures and communities outside of those
already state-approved channels. Instead, we must focus our energy on
building strong, militant, and resilient autonomous movements in our city
against racial capitalism.

Strengths, Highpoints & Accomplishments

We want to highlight a number of things since there were many victories
worth celebrating in 2020. First, the most amazing thing that happened
over the course of 2020 was the heightened intensity of direct action. The
scale and militancy of the rebellion on the weekend of May 30th was
something unseen in recent Rockford history. During that weekend of
revolt nationwide, Rockford (mostly black and brown youth) took to the
streets. They fought police, vandalized District 1, damaged police vehicles,

13
and expropriated goods across the city. This sudden revolutionary fervor
was an inspiration to many revolutionaries here though we felt unprepared
for the scale and intensity as we had never seen anything like that in
Rockford before. For many comrades that was the highlight of the past
year. We want to be clear however that although many of the marches and
protests after the rebellion were symbolic, movement participants had a
new understanding of what direct action is. Numerous actions disrupted
the flow of capital, attacked State institutions, contested the monopoly on
violence the Rockford police enjoy, and scared politicians out of their
homes. Finally, our comrades felt that the May Day demonstration prior
to the rebellion, where families of prisoners inside of Winnebago County
Jail drove their cars around outside of the jail to protest conditions was
really powerful and very different tactically than anything we had seen in
Rockford up to this point.

Following the #TyrisJones shooting, demonstrations resumed during
which militants threw fireworks at the jail, graffitied state property and
blocked roads with barricades. The use of car tactics in the massive
demonstrations, following May 30", to shut down large city streets such
as East State and Forest City Plaza was another exciting development
locally in terms of tactics. Although we have critiques of the City Market
demonstrations, we found that the first protests that disrupted City
Market, a key site of gentrification in downtown Rockford, was a valuable
tactic as it directly targeted capital and whiteness. For many long time
Rockford organizers, disrupting City Market had been a goal and we were
happy to the spell of “development” broken. One comrade has remarked
that simply the number of non-permitted autonomously organized
marches that happened was a big success in their eyes as previous to this
summer, that was a rarity in Rockford.


We felt that the relationship building that happened internal to the
movement over the course of the past year seemed to be some of the best

that happened in our memories. Much of this relationship building
happened informally during actions, and we found that building
relationships through creating affinity groups, collectives and
organizations was prioritized by radicals throughout the city. At the time
of writing, there are several radical organizations and collectives, with a
variety of different politics and goals, that have emerged out of the
rebellion and the pandemic. We hope that these organizations and
collectives continue to organize amongst themselves and build long
lasting relationships. We need more specialization and decentralization in
our movement. Our movement is propelled by the strength of the
relationships that we have with our comrades and our larger communities.
While we do not feel that everyone needs to be friends (in fact we are
critical of friendship as the sole basis for political affinity), we do feel that
deepening relationships and trust with those who you share political
affinity is necessary step towards building strong radical movements.

Finally, the emphasis on political education and theorization was a major
improvement in the movement over the past year. A noticeable emphasis



was placed on education within formal organizations, radical spaces, and
informal organization. Numerous actions we attended had explicit calls for
political education alongside zine distros. At the beginning of 2020, there
were discussions about how the lack of attention to radical political
analysis in our region had led to stagnation of radical politics. We have
been pleased to see more attention to local radical history, such as the
history of the Rockford Black Panther Party, as well as more written
analysis about our region over the course of the past year.



Numerous strategy and reading sessions about abolition, revolutionary
strategy, and anarchy occurred which were deeply critical. Our hope is to
see more groups creating internal education to their group in an effort
to develop a clearer political analysis of our city’s reality. In the coming
years this needs to be intensified especially in regard to comradely self-

reflection.



During the height of the protests around #TyrisJones, radicals build
relationships with his family and organized alongside them. Organizing
with directly impacted people is critical. The organizing alongside

16
prisoners inside of Winnebago County Jail was another deeply important
development of this year. We hope to see more of that in the future.
Finally, it is important for there to be personal boundaries within radical
communities. Over the course of the past year, organizational and personal
boundaries were a major priority for radicals in the area and we hope to
see people continue to respect and think about inter-personal dynamics.
Understanding personal boundaries is critical especially when dealing and
preventing harm and abuse in our spaces. Through every jail support,
reading group, revolutionary gardening workday, and de-arrest, we built
a closer relationship with our comrades. We feel that finally the
foundations of radical infrastructure are starting to take shape in Rockford.

Weaknesses and Criticism

The three primary criticisms that emerged repeatedly within our
conversations were the presence of activist/clout chaser personality
types dominating movement spaces, symbolic protests with little
substance, and the divide between radicals and the larger Rockford
community.

A lot of the movement work this summer and overall in Rockford has been
centralized around charismatic people. This is our critique of the clout
chaser dynamic especially as radicals interested in deconstructing
hierarchy. We feel that this dynamic is central to many of the criticisms
internal to radicals doing movement building in Rockford. We feel that
this clout chaser dynamic has only been exacerbated by social media which
uplifts particular personalities based on an algorithm. The social media
centered activism has led to a toxic culture where people who are not
constantly “out there” in a physical sense are often shamed for not being
“radical enough”. A dynamic like this emerged at the City Hall Occupation
after the police shooting of Tyris Jones where people who did not
participate were perceived as “less radical” or not “going as hard”. This was
particularly problematic as it has effectively silenced critiques of
movement tactics that were ineffective. The critique is ableist as being “out
there” through supporting demonstrations is not the only actions or way
to participate in a movement. We feel that to a large degree that the
charismatic personalities dominating has to do with oppressive gendered
dynamics internal to the movement spaces where critical labor is done by
women and oppressed genders while it remains invisible and
unacknowledged. Men have taken up a lot of space and media attention
during actions while not doing many other types of tasks. The problem of
misogyny in radical spaces needs to be confronted in Rockford. There are
men who are still allowed in movement spaces despite being creepy and
exhibiting sexual predatory behavior towards comrades and minors.
Revolutionaries in Rockford must not tolerate this in any form overt or
not.

We tend to feel that many of the actions in 2020 have been completely



mbolic. As we mentioned earlier, we supported City Market protests
initially but upon reflection, those protests remained completely symbolic,
non-violent, devoid of a larger strategic goal and resulted in needless
arrests. Though the authors of the document have varying experiences
with the actions at City Market in terms of participation and consequences
for that participation, we felt that the post by the group Rockford Radical
Abolitionists for Change was particularly insightful about those protests.
“There were avoidable mistakes made. These mistakes have led to the
predicament we are in now. Multiple nonviolent protestors who are being
targeted by the police and the “justice” system are at risk of losing their freedom
due to the way police handled the situation AND there being a lack of diverse
tactics to respond with. Every week it was to be expected that there would be
brutality and excessive force used by the police and at times it felt as if the
collective were waiting for it to happen instead of taking control of the action by
working together.’—Rockford Radical Abolitionists For Change

While we disagree with the qualification of protestors as non-violent,
which seems to be a supposed attempt to set them apart from the “violent”
protestors, we think this analysis is very spot on. We agree that the lack
of diverse tactics was a problem, we attribute this back to the loudest
people in the movement getting attention and dictating tactics on the
ground.

Tactics must be changed when they are clearly ineffective. Instead of
symbolic protests centered on politicians, revolutionaries should be
putting their energy towards organizing along class lines. We need to
be present in neighborhoods, workplaces, and homes. The basis of a
revolutionary movement is building a strong base of support within
communities. We must organize with the intent to grow power and
education in our communities rather than to make symbolic gestures with
hope that politicians will “hear” us. That is not a revolutionary strategy.
The divorce between the radicals and the community has been a big issue.
The failure to contest this clout chasing tendency has led to a lot of
problems internal to the movement with certain “activists” not wanting to
take critique and change their behavior. This led to certain individuals
with clout begin to police tones and actions. Some of our comrades felt that
the demonstrations at City Market had become white spectacle that was

19
unconnected to the realities of black people on the West Side dealing with
the everyday violence of the police. This was voiced when revolutionaries
talked to people in the community. However, due to the activist mentality,
there was a refusal to acknowledge those critiques because the people
making them simply “didn’t realize the problems”. The refusal by activists
to have humility is a serious problem.

The role that mutual aid has played in building our movement in Rockford
has been vital. Mutual aid formations developing nationwide at the
beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic has allowed for renewed relationship
building within radical circles and more broadly. However, it is imperative
that our mutual aid practice remains connected to a larger revolutionary
strategy. The strength of the mutual aid formations and autonomous
mutual aid efforts is they must not be disconnected from the larger radical
movements. Ideally, mutual aid networks can serve as a bridge between
radicals ourselves and the communities we that live in. We must be
developing new relationships as they will be necessary to move beyond
capitalism. Many people in Rockford already practice mutual aid. There is
along history of African American mutual aid history that we should draw
from. One of the mutual aid formations in the city that emerged would
drive in a car caravan around neighborhoods to give food to folks, to do
cop watch and build relationships. Despite this, some of the work called
“mutual aid” over the past year was more transactional than in a true spirit
of mutual aid. However, we do think that building survival programs i
critical. It is deeply important to distinguish what mutual aid actually is.
This model of mutual aid, that emphasizes organizing against the state and
capitalists, is critical for the future struggle. It is our hope that more



survival programs develop within the next year that are independent and
antagonistic of the State.

20


We need to think about movements in terms of relationships and collective
power rather than an individualized effort. This philosophy is encapsulated
well by the Chairman Fred Hampton’s quote “You can jail a revolutionary
but you can’t jail the revolution.” We need to think about movement
beyond reactive mobilizations lead by a few of charismatic personalities.
Individuals can be jailed, corrupted, and change whereas collective power
softens the blow the movement receives overall from poor leadership.
al goals in mind.
Radical spaces must stress the necessity of building infrastructure to
explicitly support class revolt. Although there was a lot of education about



Smaller scale actions should be planned with some tacti

racial capitalism and its relationship to the State over this summer, there
has been little education on how to fight back against those systems
strategically and effectively. Very few skill trainings were held and those
that were only dealt with how to respond to State violence and not counter
it. Revolutionaries who had experience organizing marches and rallies

21
Y VE

failed to share relevant skills with newcomers. Without this skill-sharing
of experience amongst radicals in the city many newly politicized militants
were left developing necessary skills on their own. There was little|
thought about what actions could look like beyond marches to nowhere}
that ended inevitably in last stand arrests. We need to understand that,
revolutionary movements must be sustained over the course of lifetimes,



not just weeks or months, but lifetimes. Understanding this need fo
longevity will make us understand the necessity for sustainable strategies:
to avoid burnout.

" s
RE D Ws Dello

AE ANON yea

GENOWASHIN' ING aN
ae we a


Future

What does the future look like? Ultimately, the future is up to us. Through
our conversations, we have generated a few ideas that we would like to see
develop in the community and amongst revolutionaries in Rockford.

One of the most important things we feel that needs to happen in Rockford
is a physical space for the movement to meet, strategize, learn, and build.
We feel that a physical political center could provide a base for food
distribution, a permanent zine distro, a library, a forum for radical
speakers, movie screenings, potlucks and numerous other events. These
types of events will allow us to develop the necessary relationships with
the community. We hope to see this infrastructure to take root sooner than
later. Infrastructure is something radical movements in Rockford need
more than anything. In our discussion, we felt that creation of more food
projects in the form of cooperatively owned farms and community gardens
in our neighborhoods and surrounding areas could help build autonomy
and stop us from relying on the State and Capital for our food.

We cannot stress enough that collectives, groups, organizations and
affinity groups must develop strategies for accountability internally with
the people involved. We would like to see the movement more willing to
criticize and hold one another accountable. We have found that the lack of



accountability around actions within these groups is a major problem.
Internal to these groups, there must be some kind of way to relate to one
another that is principled and creates cultures of accountability.

We hope to see the emergence of more organizing projects that are based
in the neighborhood, workplace, and the home. Organizing in these areas
will mean that we can fight back directly against class enemies such as

23
bosses, the police, and landlords rather than symbolic protests which
target city leaders who are mostly figureheads. Tenant unions and
workplace unions are very needed here especially with evictions on the
rise. While most workplace unions in the area tend to be very racist and
entrenched in the Democratic Party, revolutionaries should focus on
organizing distribution centers (for companies such as Amazon) which
have become a common job in this area. A revolutionary movement
necessitates the ability to disrupt and block capital.

Revolutionaries and militants must continue to form their own groups to
build autonomous projects while coordinating with one another. We
believe that communication between different groups and individuals
could improve. A good way to do this would be to host a monthly spokes
council meeting for Rockford abolitionists, anarchists, and revolutionaries.
A spokes council is effectively a place to share ideas, upcoming actions, and
plans. In the Rockford case, we feel it should not be a decision-making
body but a place to share strategies and tactics.










There is a need for more community defense-oriented groups to emerge.
In the midst of Back the Blue rally in Rockford, there was no formal anti-
fascist formation to organize the opposition to that demonstration. It leads
to the resistance against Back the Blue not being militant enough in our}
view. We need anti-fascist organizations and affinity groups. We hope that
these community defense formations train in a variety of defense tactics
against fascists which could range from unarmed combat to armed combat}
training. We need it all.



We'd like to see the movement to develop robust cultures of non-
cooperation with this State. This means organized Copwatch programs
and ICE watches. Rapid response networks to respond to police brutality,

24
violence against queer people, domestic violence and ICE raids. These
rapid response networks should be working alongside the community
defense formations. Non-cooperation means robust anti-repression
networks that support our comrades facing prison time for taking radical
action against the State. This is going to be important for us to support
our comrades and everyone throughout the next year as they face charges
for rebelling against the State.

Finally, we believe that it is deeply important for revolutionary
movements in this city to develop revolutionary cultures. One way to do
this is by commemorating revolutionary holidays. We could do this by
doing community events/vigils/actions on revolutionary holidays such as
Juneteenth, African Liberation Day or May Day. For instance, there was
recently a call for NYE noise demo outside of a jail in Rockford. One of our
comrades suggested that we should coordinate vigils or demos on
birthdays of people murdered by the Rockford Police Department so that
people in our community do not forget the violence of the State. We cannot
stress enough that even small events that build radical community here
are going to be essential for propelling larger mass movements.

We need to rise to the occasion to build our revolutionary movement here.
Will we rise against the police and right-wing fascists and defend our
community? What will you and your comrades do? What is the next step
in your revolutionary practice?
Recommended Readings

Let Empire Collapse: Why We Need a Decolonial Revolution
by Mohamed Abdou

Notes from the Rockford Rebellion:
Black Revolt in the Rustbelt from a New Afrikan Anarchist Perspective

Fire on Main Street: Small Cities in the George Floyd Rebellion
by Shemon, Arturo and Atticus

The Combahee River Collective Statement
by the Comahee River Collective

Communization and Decolonization
by Ediciones Inéditas

For Anarchy, Not Anarchism
by Ediciones Inéditas

16 Things You Can Do To Be Ungovernable
by Indigenous Action

The Progressive Plantation
by Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

Anarchism and the Black Revolution
by Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin