Slave Revolts «as the earliest form of labor struge Sylia Wynter Slave Revelts - Cartier fivim of Labor Struggle ("tha ote dtd not seli Me Labour power to the etave fumar, cow ore than the 22 gatte hto Labour to the farmer. The eave, together with hie labour poor, won sold to hie eumen ons and for ati. ta ie a commatity that con ase fron the hand of ene conor ta that of another. He inset? {0 a aomodity but hie labour poser tx not 2 Me comediey.® ¢ \ | Slave rovolts were therefore the logical form of atraggte= os | serte at eh fron of resins wrath eat tome af sega [tee foe ste star. TKN shee a stn pc mr coy sa etek torn ner of Hao waa te eo free wane-Vaher, surplus value was extracted Indirectly: in the case of the Plantation porletartot, she extraction of surplus value was carried out by sneons oF sivect evercive methods. The First form called For the trade union Struggle, the second form called For the direct application of « countarforce Foner a ngetmon's analysis does auch to clarity thls aspect. They polnt out thae the“) Sssvconditions ander which tabour vas etintted from etavce id not comerpon! to the eowtistonn wer vittoh Labour oun etfeitad fron free mon.” Miso they write i "Dr genavat, the Labour of Proe wen could onty be etioéted * throngh wage bargetne. Nowvwer camerehip of the ews capital of Danks coemied with ie the eight to uae force 40 obtain tabour. amarohip of the 134%" #9 9 glewn gown + mmcster the ight to use shetever force veo nacesearyex notuling ouch force au mighe evontuate death--to caipe? hie hatte? £0 ergove én the womat venk routine, HHom the mester'a viewpoint, the stvontans of force when judtotenaly epbiat, wu thet Le pmosuand destved behivion, in aortatn “ARN LOrF than hd haven aahiaved through ftnanaiat indunamante...” (J \ ‘That 1 fo aay, the crucifixion of Fortune and Kingston wos 1 such punistognts. One century Tater, In the I8BO!S in the United States, the kerror punisnents of slaves, such 9¢ {hla cose auoted by CLK. Jame, served the same rational purpose=-the continaod extraction of surplus vaiue "he nagno won ted Uo @ tree and whipped wish ‘eottohes. When Souther Boome fatigued with the tabowr of whipping he cated upon a”Kegre en of ond made Him faobt Sam wlth o aingte. tin aso mate a Repro woman of hie hip to Tob hin. And after *eobbing” and whipping, he apptied fire to the body of hte stave, above Dia bak, betty wxd private parte. le then wnused him to bo washed door vith hot satin tn wick pode of red BIS hat boon steeped. the Negro wae fateo tied to a lop, and to the Bed poet, vith reper, hioh choked his, and he me Kicked and stamped aon by Southon, hie sont of puvisiment ace continued and repeated untit the Kegro died under tte affltotion.” (3M [tea of vt 1s methods of erucifixlon was not an anomaly, nor an aberration, tut canteat to the operation of he moat efficient means of commerclal ‘aoricslture know at the tine-the use of the slave gang system. As Fogel and Exolenon prove, the use of the right avount of force to insure wanimun offic! Juss a carefully calculated and rational form of capitalist enterprise "tonon woe not ax insidental feature of slaveny. Without force the atienabitity of the tte to the Inman agpital of blacks se tt rt a wnat petty i Spee meta yaragis ir creer mote EMG se my excess of the gaine from scononiee of eoate, he LLeSaet of the get of voce eae validity of thie contention te dononstratad by the exportonsn off the timeatate pestmenansipation period. Afton We steone ware Sreut many planters ottenptod to neoonstoust their vork gangs on the baste of wage poymonte. Mut euch aitenpte goraratly foundered despite hs fact Vat sapen offered to Procdnén ezeaeted te raomat they hal roseioud ar etzvee by mone than 100 pevoont. then at ¢his prowtam planters fount £6 inporsibte to maintain the yung syeton once thay were dapetond of the might to apply Pores.” ¢ ) ‘The use of force wot a5 Institutionstized « 6 of the system 2s as the use of free wage Sargsing. And the struggle agsinat ft as necessary ‘9 response a8 the trade union mavenent. Yet Tt has Seen @ part of the general rystification inseparable fram the black experience in the Mew Morld, thet lave revolts, the plantation fora of lahor struggle, have rot teen Hoterpreted wach This myst ican a8 mesh) ttae-anun anni the sarove-atoonnne-thmtes-vte-e-Vie-che- Nach preteen In he to Woe th conten tothe Heslogica interpretation which raleated the black strane to a narainat role int Morte stony This cannot be ton mich Unslsted upon, One EM fact 15 grasped he earliest form of sustained then slove revolts appear ax what they in Fact wer labor strug ‘eoinst the heoenony of capitalism in the Wen World. Slave + The slavererected culeure, constitute # central part of the tone are far reaching. Te nears that the tradition of Tabor militency in the United States began with the Blacks and Uae the white proletariat, if fs is to validate its existence as proletariat rather than as “shite,” must be able co se0 115 on struggles In every slave revolt. It must assume Ts oon history, af distinct fron the history of the bourgeiste. For, aeeeheps ACWETETEF tosac, the double consciousness of which Oubofs spoke Is not confined to blackesFor whites, f¢ consticutes the main coute of the acbivalence ‘This problem ts not confined to America. In Gubo the black lo Carbonne!, wos put in « work conp because he insisted on the black revolutlorary contribution a¢ the earliest examole of the r Lionary traéition tn Guba, He pointed out the sed For the peyche of the shite Gabon 0 assume this history, this Lraditton, Hf the social, political , end eonenic revolution were to be notched by # culture! one. a orthodox Morais, 95 Interpreted Jn Cuba, this Hine was seen a6 divisive, a¢ dangerous 10 the solldarity of the masses. Fernando Retamar, post end cultural ‘Official, was tater to write his percestive end laportent article "Caliban," | wich, using ollusive terninotogy. ha te effect supported Cerkonnelt, arguina that revolutionary Cubans should al) assume the identity of Shakespeare's alban as apeinse that of Prosperoy (eee 971, o en 9 a8 de Las Aner ieas, Now 68, Sept > =” rakst) : Ant While the colonial nature of the Caribbean plantations has teen noted, isin oveeg oy regan alge oe of aptutin. TH deo brotucriching concotutine oe oreveopltoniste bagels Bete the heaton of the saven aed of slavery im paricotor, mas peesisted in hos sater peck 1 did rot conate against capitation Wve was a unit of ie Tn the sane way 35 the Factory. The peasant arowing cash crops for the market on his anal! acreage constituted another unft. The wader of Tabor contrat, the forms of the extraction of surplus value are different, but al units exist for the same purpose-the extraction of surplus value Fran explotted labor ‘The Fors of the encomtanda and the plantation were the sar lest large-scale forms. Indeed, a {lluminating note by Hara give us sn insight Into the plantation systen as the very sodet of the bourgeols/protetariat retation= Lilprothe relationship of the ouners ond the unowmérs, to quote on Ls Lee Inerinste to capitation. He writes: "concerning the treatnent of staves 20 « goo! compilation, tat of Charles Conte, tratte de ta tegletetion, Thin’ edition, Auceste, 1857. Those who uant to Learn what the beungente alse of himself and Mio world, whenever he oan, without pestratnt, nodal the sortd after hie_am inage, ohoute study thie matter tn datatt." (7 F may mention, af This conceptualization Is a subject for another study. For our purposes here, we morely note that the Interpretation of the plantation systen ve node of production rather than es a andel of capitalian--indend pure! model, a6 Harn Inplies-ohaf had wide ranging 1deolostes means of this interpretation, the contemporary proletariat conceptual izes the slave 2s 9 furdanental ly different type of laborer and loses any relation to 8 ¢ ition wich could throw mich Tight on the present situation, Seeing the. 26 completely otter than thatastves, MegER--rathor than as form. oF exploited labor Tike Btves, nis Pheer stayry 2 ere eget fore of ER soc iod Fenn, SY ovccew «tom blacks en the plantation enly as o OS r7, tha white worker ranains unsble to change hs stecus, The contemporary plantation systes oF movopoty capitallsayand therefore Sena [to understandsand decipher the nedera forss of colonization which #ey caperiencesat the hones of the corporate Bourgeotste 1 the Fores change, the reality of explotstion renains the sane. Unie the existence of 2 black popular eutture shows us ts that the mode of Fighting against exploitation alse took different forms. Unt!) now Western culture has been ideologically 11) terate concerning forms of eon ceptualizetion used by other cultures. The insights of Cui seroues ond bis disciples have changed at thet. tow we con coud dn the Kya! Revolt ta Jens Ina racent book of essays, (Sistem, bok Essays tn Ccomunication and Exchange, Tavistock Publications) \tondon 1972) (Anthony Wilden develops a contangorery Franch theorist concept of the ble Hak between writing and speech: weiting at & logical prerequisite for all speech. «tm societies without writing In the the past of the octaty-ite manory, ite wat of tnotmotions, tts scored test, to Tieeratly ectadled tn ovary danfcle, tn avery puseon om exoup marked by a kinship lam om by a taboo, tn avery peroon or groip ho exemplifies a ritual or recalls amen 0) In other word, the osth-taking corenonies and subtequent revolts were at one Le and the sane tine a form of praxis tract theoretical activity. Neither could be seperated fron the cttar. The theory existed only In praxis; praxis was inseparable fron theory. he Wi ‘snaept in 80 far av the ground plan of the vittage and/or various aulturat ebjecte ant implonente provide @ méinat \den goes on to point out, ohiective monfory for the aurvivat of the onpmisation of ‘of the society from genenation to ganoration, the signiftaant ditinestons im euch @ aaotety have to be ncintatnad, ronenstmucted, represented, ani in eosonce, etnvanted én the vary flea of eaoh aonsvation. Beery Living mombur of the ayotan ie both a meaaage in the code and a mesoape which maintains te cate, a mecaage htoh retaing and nenorbere « part of the code." 67 es Ce begins here to understand the 26 and even nore, the central Function of the dares. In cult ceremonies In the contemporary Caribbean, each devotee 15 constiiuted as an entity by his dedication to one of the gods. And each particular god Is codified by his om rhythm, the rhythm wich sumone ha to the ceremony. The possession of the sorshipper by the god fa therefore 4 rite through which he ranews hls contract rae of AIG. The eheotosy of African relt= atonsyas one anthropologist potnts out, 1s danced.( The dance in African 1ife wax even sore contral than weiting 1 fa contenporary Western society. 18 defined reality. Gustavus Yassa, the slave vo went through the Midéle Passage aré later, when fraed, wrote his Vive story, recalls his life before his capture and enstavonent. After describing & ng ceranony he comments he are alnoot nation of doroere, motoiane, and poate. Thug every great event, such ax a triumphant rebum from Lattle on other oause of publi nefotoing, 19 aetebrated én bli damsee, which are ccaompented with congo and mute oulted to the aecaaton. The aseonbly te seperated tnto four divisions, whtah dane either apart om in euecsseton. The Jinae aavenbly contains the mareied men, who tn thote daices Sroquencty exhibit Feats of ame ant representation of They could lock up my body but not my spirit;| that was. with the people. ‘The spirit of revolution will continue to grow within the’ prisons. I look forward to a tine when all inmates will offer greater resistance by tefusing to work as I did. Such a simple move would bring the machinery of the penal system to a halt..." --Huey Newton, Revolutionary Suicide Tt started. simple enough, A couple guys in A-block wanted to form a reading and discussion group. They sat. down in the day-roon with four others and wrote letters for free, literature to books-to-prisoners. groups, ingluding a..couple of ABCs. With the materials. they received, they began'a discussion, The first Dock Anca of Anaechiem ‘by Alexander Berkman. The second book’ George. Jackson's, Blood in nv order to: daal with mate snooping staff and snitches, participants in the discussion group brought, bibles. to the meetings and, whenever anyone . approached, they pretended .to have a bible study. In reality, they discussed whether government vas their enemy; and what they could do about that enemy. They began writing projects and sent the finished project to free~vorld Anarchists who printed off copies of their. work. They called themselves The Conditions Factory» based on a quote by George Jackson (“Where the tions for revolution are not present, they mist be )., They~manufactured. the’ conditions. for revolution-> in The Conditions Factory. As they studied more and more, some. of the participants became proclaimed Anarchists. They saw that no one could. be free so long as the State existed. But how could a handful of prisoners in Toledo do anything to resist the State?’st udy group began to address that question. | They bepinr stormed. They wrote.-up their own resistance R ‘The marual coveréd'a wide range of topics. It began with ‘organizing, how to hold meetings. Then they discussed methods of ‘resistance they could’ undertake against the prison. Sabotage included cutting phone cords vith toenail-clippers, -stealing paperwork from staff, jamding locks with paperclips or gtaples...Theft of resources included stealing food from the chowhall, throwing away cups and spoons, ‘and punching Holes'in the ml bags to let milk run down the drain ‘to force the my to purchase more resources. “Tihird, they developed 2 strategy for what to do When going to the hole. They felt it’ was best to prepare for getting caught go that, if and when it happened, it would -not..be. sucha shocking ordeal. They brain-stormed ways in which resisters in population could support comrades in the hole. They exchanged pre-written let to supporters and friends so that, if anyone was he’ would know that friends and family would soon ae letters and know How to make phone calls and’ support, hit through his ‘ordeal. They’ made arrangements ‘to ’ get’ eavelopes ‘ani ‘paper, aad. coded messages ‘to Beigonets in tt ole. Once the manual. was finished,-each of them read it. te was time fe get started. ” “One thing we had to face’is, in ‘priséa, there's a great deal of skepticism that any kind of resistance can happen, and even if it happens, it won't change anything," one guerrilla observed. "So what we were, doing, whether we knew it or mot, was really ground . breaking. We didn't see it that way, but it was." ‘The Conditions Factory decided to create a separate, underground organization: Death 2 Authority (D2A). “It was significant that the, name was Death '2 Authority father than Death 2 the Authorities," said a guerrilla. “It wasn't a matter”of death toa warden or to an administrator, but death to the institution of authority. You can't just get rd ofa. person’ in authority, you have to ged’ of authority period." In order ‘to confuse the enewy as to their numbers, they designated themselves as Column 4. “Columns one through three didn't..exist, but. prison edniniserators had no way to know that,” one guerrilla explained. “There was only six of us, and we never numbered. more than ten, but, the administration was convinced there vas fifty or’a hundred.of us." ‘They began their actions in March. 2008, sending a conmmmique to the warden and to the major, telling them would, not get, control of their prison back. until D2A's demands were met. Some of the demands, like better food and larger portions, were demands the prison could- + and did -~meet. But others, such as increasing state Baye were. policy deciaions_ that had, to be addressed by department . itself. ."We knew that,” said one pereiiie, "We did that on purpose. We knew. Toledo couldn't .meet demands without getting central office involved, and for that to happen, central office would have. to know. there was an underground guerrilla resistance happening at the prison. So, we figured the demand. wouldn't be met and we could’ go right on resisting. That was really the plan all along anyhow." The. same day that the warden received the first D2A (no. fingerprints, disguised handwriting), las jammed the locks of the commissary, the unit managers’. offices, the case managers’ offices, the education supervisor's office, and several locks in the kitchen. Potatoes were jammed into the chow-hall drains, | causing the pan-room sink water.to. flood the entire | Kitehen and officers’ dining hall. The symbol for D2A was scravled on a wall in the hallway. So./as. to not draw attention to the problem, sdninistratocs had the locksmith work on third shift, unjanming and replacing the locks. This prevented other prisoners from seeing just how disruptive lock- jamming ly was. “Their biggest fear was that other prisoners would join in," “a guercilla observed. “They wanted no attention drawn to what was going on.” Immediately, the administration reacted. They. lined corrections officers in the hallway to shake dow prisoners to and from, chow, even making them remove their shoes. “They were looking for staples and chunks of paperclips, the stuff we used to jam the locks,” explained one guerrilla. "But. what we did, we hid the staples in our mouths and redoubled our “Lock= jauning right under their noses.” When D2A sabotaged. the dri dispensers, causing water to pour out onto. the floor of 3 the chow hall, maintenance put @ lock on the handle. That same day,"D2A jenmed the Lock, making it impossible to fill the dispenser. When they’ cut off the lock’ td fill it, D2A sabotaged it again, causing water to spill everywhere, Guerrillas tut the mouse off of three staff computers and placed then in a manila envelope addressed to the warden with a note inside. It said, "Three blind mices.. Three blind mice... ~-D2A." ‘They used prayer-oil’ bottles filled vith salt water to fry several other computers. ‘They jammed all the locks that ‘had been replated,’ then jammed them again. “Even though there were very few of us, we'were in all three blocks, so we had access to all the offices.’ With just six pédple, you could jam every lock down every single hallway. ‘The comiissary was always starting late because their door was jammed. That made the comissary lady, a real tyrant, have to work late past her’ shift,” said’ one guerrilla. “Also, we started using the black gunk from the windows and’ doors and putting it’ on the staples we jammed into locks. That way, when staff put their key ‘in, that black gunk would lodge the staple in there and make a real mess. They had to replace all the Jocks. That had to be expensive: Very shortly, the food greatly improved afd the’ food portions increased. “Really, we only wanted what we were entitled to," a guerrilla said. “They had been skitiping on us for ‘a long time, robbing us ‘of our food. We weren't getting portions as required by policy. Then we came along, and ve started getting fed right." Then, a posting was placed on the bulletin boards in the housing units: The director of the department had changed policy regarding state pay. Rather than allowing for collection of court costs to reduce prisoners to only $10 per month, prisoners could retain $15. For the najority of prisoners, this constituted a pay raise. “Tt seems like too much of a coincidence to think that this policy change octurring during the D2A campaign’ had nothing to do with our demands,” a guerrilla commented. “They vould never admit it, but that was a tesponse to what we were doing. Guaranteed. ie gable Mey Baas Pun fp CLRRGTSEing’S" neater ee because the librarian would snoop through materials to get copied. They had no way to mass~produce a newsletter through copying. , “That's where we hadn't planned enough," a. guerrilla admitted. "We thought. everybody would see. what was happening. but; the administration worked hard to keep it under wraps. We had to develop a.way to-get the message out: ‘This is what we're doing and this is why.’ ‘We had to inspire other prisoners to join, which was the prison adninistration's greatest fear.” One Friday evening, guerrillas jaumed the usual locks of, the, offices and commissary, and then. jammed the locks ofall. the: state” bathrooms. They also coordinated jamming Jocks to the. supply and dry-goods rooms in‘ tl kitchen. Staff had to share the bathroom in ‘the captain's office all weekend. Breakfast was delayed: on Saturday, morning until the locksmith could get into the freezers and the dry goods. "We had big plans,” a guerrilla confided. “We sent kites to ‘staff, warning them. that D2A. guerrillas: would be putting broken glass found on. the yard into the staff's food, in.the officers' dining hall. As a result, no, staff were eating the cheap food on the State's dime. They were all packing. a lunch, and that -created a bottlerneck at shift change because all of their incoming lunches had to be searched like all other Property. Guards had to show up ten or twenty odnutes earlier and wait in line. "That was justice, I: think. Here these assholes were assaulting us and lying on us and breaking our property on a daily basis, and we were fixing their food. Fixing theiz: food! They: should feei afraid. Finally, they did. A guerrilla sabotaged. a machine at Ohio Penal Industries, shutting down production for a week until the machine could be repaired. "The fact 1s," said one guerrilla, “that 0.P.I. factories generate millions of dollars for the prison system and if prisoners could sabotage them or simply refuse to work.them, the entire prison system would crash. They wouldn't have the money to run it. Prisoners would go homa and the State would have to ‘come -up with something better to address the lem of crime all.” PeRenfaSE eStore ela BE EAH Wire aeetings to discuss the problem of D2A, They pressured snitches | for information and eventually posted a kind of "Wanted" poster in the blocks seeking information-about a “gang” called D24. They then began random round-ups. “The strategy was, toss some guys in the hole’ ‘and pressure them: for information. “Sooner or’ later, you' Ll catch somebody who knows something and he'll give up a name. ‘Then, you snag that’ guy and -pressure him," explained a’ guerrilla. "The snitch that finally ‘did us harm really didn't know anything at all. He just’ guessed at ‘the identity of: some of the guerrillas, and he guessed right. ‘The enemy rounded up a couple of us. We didn't know why, so we sent coded messages back to them in the hole, We sent them envelopes: and paper} and we continued guerrilla» tactics. That © way, the administration would see ‘that the campaign was continuing and they may believe they caught the wrong guys. “Some of the guys in the hole had done ‘nothing at all. Nothing anyone ‘could prove. “So what the administration did; they dropped their status and ‘sent ‘them to medium prisons. From the hole. That's how they split us up." Others returned to population with targets on ‘their backs. ‘No resistance could happen without them getting roundéd ‘back up and being subjected to mind-nunbing deprivations. “What we did, it wasn't s complete failure. It was’a success, really. Our tactics worked. We proved that a small group of guerrillas with high levels’ of internal solidarity could mount an effective resistance’ that disrupted ‘the operation of the prison. If small groups of. guerrillas ‘employed these tactics. at every prison, the whole system would collapse. There were never more that ten or twelve of us at any time. But’ the administration thought we had these great numbers, After all, we had four columns," a guerrilla laughed. Auother guerrilla provided analysis: "Looking back, what we did wrong -was, we didn't: have an effective nethod of informing the population what was going on. If we had come up with an-effective newsletter or something in advance, we may have ‘inspired: a full-blown FESPRREAG? chat’ Wound doulttE ouk” Aker SEE ie TER what? . “Imagine if we had D2A guertillas at each of the medium prisons where everything is wide open, We'd hold the government hostage. What could they do? Put us in prison?” He laughed. “Thing is, it all went dovn so fast snd the thing took off on us, we couldn't catch up with the action. We needed to have @ newsletter in advance of things. We really did.” Another guerrilla pondered what would have happened if D2A had been able to share their experience with established prison gangs. If the gangs had unified against the common enemy of the prison system, that kind of solidarity among prisoners could not be defeated. “It will happen again," one guerrilla predicted. "It will happen. And when it does, the system won't be able to stand, Tt needs our cooperation. It requires us to hug our own chains. And just think, if we could do that here where there's a guard every few yards, imagine what this says about what can be done on the other side of the fence? “When we were resisting... we were the future, And we knew it." hee APTERWORD The names of the writer and other prisoners involved in the production of this zine mst renain anonymous for obvious reasons. For that matter, it would be wise not to name free~world supporters who inspired the events recounted here, Still, the efforts of free-world people to provide free reading materials and consciousness~ raising tools to prisoners cannot be underestimated. Without free-world Anarchists engaging in action on a daily basis, Death 2 Authority would not have developed. Without free-world Anarchists, there would be no means by which those victimized by the systems of justice and corrections could come to recognize their true value as hunan ‘beings, come to grips with the reality of occupation and colonization they face, and take action in defense of their own hunan dignity. ‘There ate 2.3 million men and women behind bars in the United States right now. They don't have to be. The key to their liberation is resistance. That resistance can be inspired. by the zines you send to prisoners. . The next revolution begins with you. eee Fattie, To these suecesd the manried women, who donoe i the ascond divieton. the youry nen ccoupy the thind, and the maidens the fourth. Bach represents come interesting soone of rect Life, auch an a great eahievenont, donsetic enptoynent, a pathetto atory, the wuhject is generatty écwnded on some recent event, it is therefore aver new. ite giv cor cone rural apart; and cur dance 4 spirit and a vantety which 1 have ea soaroety evan eleauhera." ( 5 ‘0 too, in the continuing oral culture of the slaves of Janalea, the dance slenaled revolt. The Hyal ritual constituted the aex aan, moking | him gonselous of hinself as part of @ group. The black oral culture of the New World constituted a counter-sesthetic which wos o€ the sane tine @ counter-etfgic. In the Wal ceremony the ethical values of the aroup were the aesthetic values of the group, veath In battle was 2 continuation of the ceremony. Courage and high spirits In the face of tortura was the proof ff the reenactment of the constitution of the self. Later the minstrel stereotype, the arianing song and dance man, was but one side of the Janus Face of # man who also danced for and through the ‘gods. The dancing in the slave quarters had more than one meaning, wileh the cmers quickly discovered, Thus, Matortane have been able to overlook the fportance whfch thf tradition of struggle played oné continues to play fn the indigenously, authentically revoluttonary tradition of the fowrisan 1 oath ile) ceremony, was far from being » guint custon or rotie superstition. ie was «logics response. The fora of struggle wat dictated by the Inperstiver of the situation and the form of organtzation ‘od Fatture meant more than the possibility of gotag hingry. Ie went beyond that. One put one's 1ife, one's manhood on the line: castration was a0 Inet tutionsi zed punishaent, ¢ sunishnent fitting the erine of the assertion of mantood. The group therefore had to be constituted in such a ranoer that the life or mintood of the group could tocone nore significant than that of the individusl. 1p 1s to the extent thot this sas successful that the rebels died with such stole bravery. Individual drach i ‘neon the end. The group survived to the extent thet the individual ated stent, protecting the group, courageously beariag witness to the Invulnera Diitty of the group . Later, as in the Mot Turner revolt, Christianity was scapted by Wim rebels, and parts of Christian doctrine wore used to perform the sane binding function. where the ancestors had gu hat of the Individual, Ister God performed the seve function. The real faltore of WH 1m Styron's Fletional ized version of Tumer's confession ies In his Inconorehension of the most significant statement In the originat Nae Turner confessions: Turner saw his revolt es sanctioned ard guided’ by God, and the aroup of robebs were bouné to Mat by and through the binding force of this sanction.) Tho Christian God replaced the ancestral God but he sti11 played 1 same function--that of 9 binding sanction wose force was stronger thon hat of the plantation omers. The utes, therafore, of the yal sectety, of Woedeo, and of adapted forms of Christ lode forms of he sane response to the sane strugpie, forms that Jere tostear ten StF tar poner tn 1 stave form. a che United States where the black slaves were part of a vest shite majoriey, Tater form of struggle were not linfted to slave revolts, AS C.LR, Janes pointed out, one of these later forms was central to the nainsteean of "official latory of the Unites Steter. ‘aster a generation of clave rovolte--,.. the Negroee ongantzed the wxlergreund raitroad whioh resowed tone Of thousende of slaves frm Une south aul ontablished communinations bebswen Ye insurgent elasente of the South and Month. Ph adeton, a8 propagondiste and onyaizore, Hopeoas wore the bate of" the edetivion rrovments, The struggles aumtering around the abotstion agitation, and eopectalty the Fugitive ‘Stove tay when the South avtonptad to rostntot the anocnatio and ofoit Uibertion of the Bort, were the mediate causes sich precipatated the ofett war. (3 Indeed the creation of the genre of the slave narrative os {terary fom of propapande and revolt--an Indigenous Anertcon gence as ontenps points sut~-called into question the institutton of stavery in ranatie and universal teens which coulé be conprehanded by contemporary readers. () As fontenos writes, after having pointed out the deliberate om fon Into which ehe slave narratives nad been allowed to Fell, the Rogro's suffering tn hie petoate hott of oppression was Whe potnt at uhigh the narratives Amoartably began. Badung this ondaat wntit fa Boome denporate, oF wily? he othenutee engacet the readers’ tntevest om sympathy, tho elave var eveniuadly tapetted t0 attempt the porte of enaope we ‘Th etratagom used differed with the tae, dome a pm rl ont ot tod a show mie an ie en cine mpi ahs rei tr of eon tenor of te qty sour uy ot Wyowy ra of nto sy cromtan eons on art ces mat ot Mat triton aes ma nd pte ens en} tC seo ho a er row cn te ee sete re pa ‘stot, sat ne en aaa eon ste bee corset secvy aang aie bueasee ) mee soe os Tie whiten wore not fighting for fracdom." () Sf ov ncn of ts a Th Oe ee nee a 8 nina ore eaten at store —tnadtevon at once peculiar to thou ond thete atturtion: and costralty vign’fioat as the most extreme and austained tration of labrum etruggle in the Nev World. ( The forms of revolt Im Jomsica changed too. In 1831 # stave ceabediton broke Jn sich the weapon of the strike was used In en attespt 0 Force the masters