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My People Shall Live

The Autobiography of a Revolutionary

Pt. 2

LEILA KHALED

My People Shall Live

The Autobiography of a Revolutionary

Pt. 2

LEILA KHALED

PART TWO: The Declaration of a New Humanity - Resistance
and Revolution

4 The Road to Haifa

Haifa was seized by the Zionists and converted into a European city. It is an extension of Europe's
decadence and dehumanisation. Haifa cannot be recovered by special prayers to Moshe Dayan. It
can only be negated by the birth of a new Palestine, Jewish and Arab.

Abou Salem

THE ARAB MASSES HAD FOR OVER A DOZEN YEARS pinned their hopes on Nasser to
liberate them from Zionism and from their local oppressors. In 1967, after the June tornado,
Nasserism lay in shambles.

‘As Moshe Dayan sat in his office waiting for a telephone call from Cairo expressing Nasser's desire
to sign an enduring peace treaty with Israel, the apologists of Nasserism and Baathism were
explaining their defeat in terms of "negligence, over-confidence, poor generalship", instead of
underlining the real reasons for Israel's stunning victory-decadent Arab social order, corrupt social
class, incompetent leadership. Meanwhile, the Zionists interpreted their victory as a sign of divine
grace and choice, the victory of racial superiority and western technology, a proclamation of Sabra
morale and social cohesiveness. Yet for reasons not understood by the imperialist forces, Nasser did
not make the expected call to Dayan, He had no desire to capitulate and had he done so the
Egyptian people would have burnt him at the stake. Indeed, no Arab leader, however reactionary,
would dare to make peace with Dayan or any other Zionist bully in the future unless he were totally
suicidal, The Palestinian people, however, made a call to Dayan, but it was a call of bombs in broad
daylight. The Palestinians had entered the picture as a decisive social force. We decided to make our
own history, to speak for ourselves, to seize our own destiny. No sooner had we arrived on the
scene, however, than the Egyptians and Americans, the Israelis and Russians, the Gaullists and
Britons, and all the forces of "peace", coalesced and resolved to stamp us out.

On the eve of the June War, it appeared to those outside the halls of power that the US and the
Soviet Union were on a collision course. To those in the know, however, something very different
was happening, Here is Lester Vellie's inside account from Countdown In the Holy Land:

For three years and nine months the line (that line between the Kremlin and the White House) had
remained blessedly quiet, carrying only test messages and New Year's Day greetings. Then, Monday
morning, June 5, came the electrifying news that Moscow had activated it seriously for the first
time. But the message was a reassuring one: the Soviet Union would keep hands off the Middle East
War, provided the US did the same. In a cautiously worded reply, Johnson agreed.

Mr. Johnson's "cautiously worded reply" was a simple way of keeping his options flexible. He was
assured by his CIA, Pentagon, and State Department officers that Israel would win within four days.
Had these calculations gone wrong, however, there was no doubt that the US would have
intervened. According to Vellie, whose source is the State Department and Pentagon, it was morally
and practically "inconceivable" that the US would not intervene:

42

Israel is one of the few democracies in all Asia and the Middle East. Since the world regards the US
as Israel's protector, whether the US wishes to be or not, Israel's destruction, with Soviet help, while
the US stood idly by would send tremors of fear throughout the non-communist world. Further, if
Israel went down, no other pro-western nations in the Middle East would be safe from Nasser and
the Russians.

If the decision of the two superpowers "not to intervene" had been taken on June 5, and they
seemed to be on a collusion rather than a collision course, what then was the value of that verbal
combat at the UN and why was the Special Emergency Session of the General Assembly called by
the Soviet Union? The verbal exchange at the UN had only psychological impact as both powers
resumed rearming their respective clients instantaneously. On June 19, 1967, Kosygin, leading a
high-powered Soviet delegation at the UN, condemned Israel as an aggressor, demanded that Israel
withdraw to the June 4 borders, and urged the UN to make Israel pay reparations for damages
inflicted on the Arabs. One hour before Kosygin delivered his speech, President Johnson outlined
the American position on the Middle East before the National Foreign Policy Conference for
Educators in Washington, Here are the "five great principles" of peace which were, in effect, the
substantive points of the Eban rebuttal to Mr. Kosygin’s speech at the UN. The five points
emphasised the right to life of all the nations in the area; justice for the refugee; respect for maritime
rights; filing of reports by all UN member nations on their arms ships to the Middle East; respect
for political independence and territorial integrity based on peace. (The last point also advised
"adequate recognition of the special interests of three great religions in the holy places of
Jerusalem")

Lam certain that if a comparison were made between what Johnson said in Washington and Eban
said at the UN, it would reveal systematic collaboration between their coterie of writers, if not
collective authorship of the two speeches. Be that as it may, however, the crucial point to remember
here is that the speeches of both reflected the viewpoint of the victor. It is obvious why most of the
dwarf states at the UN-African, Latin and Asian thought that Johnson and Eban were reasonable,
impartial and indeed magnanimous in victory. Since the Soviets were on the side of the vanquished
and had substituted propaganda for collective action with the Arabs, there was no other course of
action they could adopt. Both participants and spectators refused to take note of the following

(a) all UN spokesmen who purported to speak for Palestine denied the Palestinians peoplehood and
classified the Palestinians as refugees;

(b) they all regarded the conflict as being Arab governments versus a Jewish state, as opposed to the
conception of the conflict as being Arab versus Zionist and, oppressed versus imperialist
oppressors;

(c) they all prescribed some kind of regional political solution between existing political entities,
instead of envisaging the creation of a new social order where Arab and Jew could be self-
determining within the framework of a unified, Arab socialist republic.

Therefore, by definition, all states proposed solutions that had to be rejected by the Palestinians
with alarm, Every solution that presupposed the continued existence of the Zionist state in our midst
‘was antithetical to the Arab social revolution.

The deafening verbal blasts at the UN only concealed the political chicanery. The vanquished
accepted a cease-fire on the basis of the accomplished military conquest, The UN passed no
resolution demanding Israeli withdrawal. It merely established observer groups on both sides of the
Suez Canal and the Israelis settled down to building Nabals (para-military colonies) and kubbutzim
all over the area referred to firstly as "conquered, then "administered zones" and now "liberated"
territories. The Soviets and Americans returned to the regular autumn Session of the General
Assembly and delivered more bombast, reiterated their previous positions and presented the same

43

resolutions. The Arab diplomats talked as if they were the conqueror, and demanded complete
Israeli withdrawal. They invoked the principles of Western morality and justice, not realising that
those very principles were the very ones used to justify Zionist "humanity" towards the Arabs.
Finally, with the agreement or acquiescence of all concerned, the UN Security Council unanimously
passed its famous British (242) resolution on November 22, 1967. Here is the preamble and the
operative paragraphs of the resolution:

The Security Council,
Expressing its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle East,

Emphasising the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just
and lasting peace in which every state in that area can live in security,

Emphasising further that all member states in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations
have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article z of the Charter.

1. Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting
peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:

(i) Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories of recent conflict;

(i) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every state in the area and their right
to live in peace within secure and recognised boundaries free from threats or acts of force.

2. Affirms further the necessity
(a) for guaranteeing freedom of navigation through international waterways in the area;

(b) for achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem; (c) for guaranteeing the territorial
inviolability and political independence of every state in the area, through measures including the
establishment of demilitarised zones;

3. Requests the Secretary General to designate a special representative to proceed to the Middle
East to establish and maintain contacts with the states concerned in order to promote agreement and
assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and
principles in this resolution.

4, Requests the Secretary General to report to the Security Council on the progress of the efforts of
the special representative as soon as possible.

Resolution 242 obviously embodies the points proclaimed by Mr. Johnson in his speech of June 19,
and includes the Soviet-Arab demand of Israeli withdrawal without specification or insistence on
total and immediate withdrawal. More importantly, however, while the resolution refers to the
"inadmissibility” of the acquisition of territory by war, it ipso facto sanctions Israel's conquest by
offering to trade her conquest for "secure and recognised boundaries” and by conferring on Israel all
the legitimate attributes of permanent and unchallenged statehood,

Lastly, the resolution paternalistically alludes to a "just settlement of the refugee problem", as
were some kind of environmental pollution that had to be grappled with, while the "territorial
inviolability and political independence of every state in the area” are upheld and guaranteed.
Western diplomatists claimed that resolution 242 represented "a solid gain for Western diplomacy",
and a serious reversal for the Soviet Union's Middle East policy. In an anti-climactic speech on
November 23, 1967, President Nasser gave his response to the infamous resolution 242. Nasser

enumerated Egypt's war losses and disclosed that eighty per cent of its military equipment was
destroyed; that over 100,000 soldiers and 1500 officers were killed and more than 5500 men were
taken prisoner. Then with all the strength he could muster, Nasser declared that he was stronger in
November than he was in May of 1967. But his ambivalent but weak position was revealed by his
iplicit acceptance of 242 and he could merely argue that 242 was "insufficient and unclear”.

The atmosphere at this time was bleak for me. I was uncertain and despondent. In the autumn 1
retumed to Kuwait and compared notes with my colleagues. Those who had been in the occupied
territories were indignant and talked about the possibilities of armed struggle; those who had visited
elsewhere in the Arab world came back angered, frustrated, confused, dismayed. Nothing changed
the atmosphere drastically that autumn, With the approach of the new year, news of renewed Fateh
activity was filtering into Kuwait and I was told in a hushed tone by a friend that the Popular Front
for the Liberation of Palestine had been proclaimed in November. No other concrete information
reached us regarding the PFLP. While I was in Lebanon during the summer, I was unable to make
any direct contacts with my former associates outside of Sour. For a whole academic year I was
unaware of PFLP developments. And since the open ANM cells had been eliminated in 1965-66 in
Kuwait, there was less opportunity to convert the ANM branch into PFLP cells, although the
transformation was being carried out in other parts of the Arab world, There was nothing else to do
but to try and participate in Fateh activities. I did.

At the outset, most of the teachers who were politically inclined had no clear idea of what action to
take, Nothing was happening as we settled into another monotonous year of teaching. We
continued, as usual, our campaign of indoctrinating the students and discussing how Nasserism
failed to unify and defend the Arab world, We focused on the latter point as a defensive posture
against attacks on the Palestinians for causing the Egyptian debacle. It seemed then that the general
public sympathised with President Nasser and felt that the easiest way of silencing the Palestinians
was to use them as scapegoats. My colleagues and I didn't feel guilty, we merely went on the
defensive. Later we used the attacks as starting-points to criticise not Nasser but Nasserism.

Fateh was the only revolutionary organisation whose activities were tolerated in Kuwait. The PLO,
although recognised as a legal Palestinian entity by the government, had neither leaders nor
followers of any significant number. I myself had outgrown my original lukewarm sympathies for it
and sought another outlet for my political energies. Fateh, having renewed its military operations on
August 18, 1967, presented an opportunity and a challenge. Along with our principal and a handful
of tears, I endeavoured to work through Fateh to liberate Palestine. I had been raised in the good
ANM tradition of question and debate. For every project we undertook, for every action we
contemplated, for every view we held, the ANM had offered a rationale, a way of ascertaining and
examining the facts, an opportunity to propose alternative programmes. Fateh was something new
in my experience. Our sole function was fundraising, We were not a part of the policy-making
processes, but merely spectators or ticket agents in the temple of Fateh. Periodically, nebulous
lectures were given; speakers always remained within the realm of glittering generalities in dealing
with the strategy, ideology, financing, and recruiting of the movement.

Initially I thought it was impertinent on my part to ask too many questions since I was a novice in
Fateh’s ranks. Then I decided that I, as a Palestinian, should know what we were doing to create a
new Palestine, I began pressing for answers. To whom was the movement accountable? Why had it
accepted funds from Saudi Arabia and other reactionary sources? What was the nature of Fateh's
socio-economic programme? Why had Fateh tried to isolate itself from the Arab masses? More
importantly, I wanted to know what women could do beyond fund-raising? Most of the answers
were not forthcoming and those that were were extremely inadequate. We were told that the
movement was autonomous and its leaders must remain anonymous for security reasons. Fateh, as I
learned later, was the most open secret in the world, where the pseudonyms and the real names of
the leaders were known to the whole world, and the movement acted and operated in the open in

45

Amman before the eyes of friends and foes. As to why funds were accepted from Saudi Arabia, my
education commissar informed me that in the liberation stage we must ally ourselves even with the
devil in order to win, He insisted that only the Palestinians should be allowed to participate in the
revolution. At that time, Fateh did not recruit or accept Arab recruits in its ranks, but later slightly
modified the rule under pressure. As if the Arabs were a different race of people. Abu Ali was not
convincing; he only increased my doubts. Yet, I continued to work through Fateh because I had no
alternative, He often asked me why I was so troublesome and asked so many embarrassing
questions. I always said: "Abu Ali, we can't win unless we have a reasonably clear programme and
organised members, Besides, we must know the whole truth regarding the revolution, not only its
slogans."

By posing questions I triggered off a chain of events that higher officials had to deal with. Friends
and supporters of the movement were growing uneasy because the relationship with Fateh was
solely material, not a relationship sustained by political interaction or participation in the political
process. My message was getting through to my audience. I asked questions in a restrained manner
and was too well known and too generous a contributor to be dismissed as an unftiendly critic.
Fateh had to provide the answers. A prominent person came to see me, Fathi Arafat, brother of
Yassir, the leader of Fateh. We had a long talk and exchanged ideas. The most important point 1
raised was the question of women and their role in Fateh. I pleaded with him to let me join their
military wing, Al-Assifah, because I had been militarily trained for years. I was prepared to go on
patrols and operations inside the occupied territories. He promised to see what he could do and
report back to me. A month later Fathi asked me if I could go to Al Aghwar on the Jordanian side of
the River Jordan, I enthusiastically said yes and made plans. To this day he has not returned to tell
me when and where to report or whom to contact. Meanwhile, my fellow Fatehites in Kuwait were
kind enough to find a role for me. They proposed that a group of us do something creative for the
summer of 1968. They suggested we could perform two important tasks-assisting overworked
mothers in the "refugee" camps and visiting the families of our martyrs. "Social work", I scoffed, "is
not social revolution. I want to participate fully in the revolution.” Such talk was eclipsed on March
21, when Fateh scored a historic first and the tide of Arab despondency began to ebb. It was the
Battle of Karameh, March 21, 1968, the making and undoing of Fateh

Karameh was a Palestinian city on the east side of the River Jordan, created out of nothing by the
Palestinians after 1948, It was a symbol of hope and dignity. The Israelis tried to obliterate Karameh
and failed, for the first time in their long string of military victories. They were trounced ina
psychological sense, but victorious if we measure the operation in strict military terms. It was a
turning-point and the Arab news media inflated the incident to make it appear as if the liberation of
Palestine was just around the corner. Thousands of volunteers poured in; gold was collected in
kilos, arms came by the ton, Fateh, a movement of a few hundred semi-trained guerrillas, suddenly
appeared to the Arabs like the Chinese liberation army on the eve of October, 1949 Even King
Hussein declared that he was a commando! The Arab Palestinian masses felt that in a few months
Palestine was going to be recovered. The euphoric atmosphere gathered momentum as the Arab
governments joined the chorus of Fateh adherents, supplying it with rockets, military transport,
artillery, ete. They made the revolution affluent. The Arab governments needed Fateh as a shield to
cover up their own incompetence, Fateh became a folksong, a fashion, a fetish, Its leaders, cadres,
office clerks were regarded as saviours, saints and seraphims. Fateh with Yassir Arafat as its
chairman was flirting with the PLO. In July 1968, while Fateh and the PLO were playing hide-and-
seek and enjoying the comfort of the Nile Hilton, three lonely revolutionaries performed a dramatic
history-making feat, which the new PLO denounced. The Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine seized an El-Al aeroplane of the Israeli semi-military, semi-civilian air lines, The aircraft
was taken to the Arab state of Algeria and the latter released the plane and passengers without
insisting on exchanging them, Israel, the world Zionist conclave, the imperialists, the Arab states,

46

‘The incident was an eye-opener for me. It was the beginning of the end of my exile, I was about to
be liberated; I had found an alternative to Fateh, and I sought to make contacts with the PFLP.

At about the same time in a seemingly insignificant event, a YWCA American girl, Jane Marlowe,
came to live at our house in Sour for a week. She was placed in our home because my younger
sister Khaledia had some relations with the YWCA and because most of us spoke English at home.
Jane was a typical Yankee do-gooder who came to Sour to teach the "refugees" swimming, drawing,
fun and games. Jane, like most American missionaries who come to the Arab world-whatever the
garb they wear-was a "pacifist" who advocated peace among the semitic brothers, thinking there
was plenty of room for all of us in the region, We tried to tell her that the issue was not only
territory, but imperialism and Zionism and whether the Arab and Jewish masses were going to
determine their future for themselves or allow the vampires of American and Zionist high finance to
determine it for them. Jane told us that the word "vampire" was a hyperbole and lectured us on the
necessity of using analytical language rather than emotion-laden slogans, She was not as perceptive
and well-informed as she claimed and in a few minutes we discovered where her real, liberal
sympathies lay, She referred to Fateh as a terrorist organisation that deliberately mined roads and
killed Israeli school children. She showed how colour-blind and profound she was by telling us that
the Palestinians should live among their brothers in the Arab states and avoid being discriminated
against in Israel, We smiled sardonically as Jane revealed her ignorance of the plight of the
Palestinians, She was blissfully unaware that she was spouting the Zionist line about the Palestinian
problem and advocating the "final solution” that the Zionists proposed for our eternal peace. Jane
had read her New York Times well and pontificated "objectively" on the need for "peace and
stability” in the area. She was a Catholic girl from the Bronx who knew what was good for Arabs
and Jews.

We heatedly debated both sides of "Arab-Israeli conflict”, the morality of hijacking, the legitimacy
of revolutionary violence. She was aware of the Phantoms her government supplied to Israel to
maintain "the balance of power" in the Middle East, and she was opposed to the Zionist privilege of
collecting tax-free dollars from America. But she saw all these things in terms of "the arms race"
and Russia's expansionist policies. She did concede the right of the oppressed to take up arms
against their oppressors, and saw the political value of hijacking, if not the morality. I explained to
her that the Israelis held thousands of Arab prisoners and threatened the lives of Palestinians daily.
If she wanted to be impartially ethical, she must pass moral judgments on the Israelis, not on us,
because our actions were merely sporadic responses to a tyrannical social system. Although she
remained "liberal" in her attitude, she posed some poignant questions that had a lasting impact on
me.

"Are you a refugee, Leila?" she said to me, "Technically yes, emotionally no," I replied. "I am no
longer a refugee because I am a revolutionary.” She looked around her and surveyed our apartment
building, then pointedly asked: "Do you expect to live in Palestine more luxuriously than you are
living here, if and when you get there?" "Pethaps not, but that is not important," I answered. "It is,
very important," she insisted, "because you wouldn't give up what you have here and you're not
doing anything personally to reach your goals.”

Jane stunned me, My mind went blank. I thought for a minute and admitted, "Jane, you are right. I
am only talking. I haven't done anything concrete." To calm myself, I went to the veranda, looked
longingly southward to the mountains beyond in Palestine, and secretly promised to join in the
struggle of my people. Jane was feeling triumphant as I returned inside. I spoke sorrowfully, "The
Palestinians are a hard-working people, but they are a dissipated people; a good many have
educated themselves well but so few, including the Khaled family, are doing anything to express

47

their collective existence as a people." I looked at my younger brothers who had angrily attacked
Jane for criticising the El-Al hijack and for being a Zionist. I said in English, "The lady from
America has been a good teacher. She has forced us to recognise and think about our obligations to
our people. We ought not to be angry with her but thank her for helping us expose ourselves to
ourselves. We must act, not just talk and memorise the arguments against Zionism." My brothers,
ashamed, withdrew from the room, Jane and I sat down for a heart-to-heart talk.

Before and during my association with Fateh I had misgivings about its political and ideological
attitudes, but it was the foreign operations of the PFLP as well as Fateh’s embrace of the PLO which
made me realise that Fateh was not the best Palestinian response to its enemies. I was finally
convinced when I heard heroic tales of the PFLP underground from my fellow teachers who had
been in the occupied territories.

I resolved that I must join the PFLP. The problem was how to contact their underground in Kuwait.
One day it happened by accident. 1 was passing by the South Arabian Bookstore where a man was
selling PFLP Christmas cards. I looked carefully at his cards, all the while trying to determine
whether or not he was a member of the PFLP or just a friend. He wouldn't comment himself. |
pleaded, "I want to get in touch with the PFLP very badly and I want to join, believe me, I want to
join, [ama Palestinian, I want to fight, I want to go to the occupied territories, Please tell me whom
to see or contact. Surely if you are a supporter of the PF you'll help me.”

He listened to my plea, and told me to return the following Thursday afternoon between three and
four and he'd introduce me to the local representative. I was overjoyed. I arrived two hours before
the appointed time and waited inside the Bookstore, leafing through journals, pamphlets and books
of the Arab and international left. Precisely at three, a tall, handsome young man walked into the
Bookstore. He looked very solemn as he greeted the cards "salesman’. I presumed he was the PF
man, | introduced myself. He was reserved and courteous. I told him who I was and said I was
anxious to join their military underground, He gave me a comradely pat on the shoulders and said:
[regret to inform you, Leila, that you have to be educated first." "Educated?" I said as I drew
away. "Iam a teacher and I know how to read and write and all that." "No, Leila, I didn't mean
educated in that sense," Abu Nidal said. "You'll have to study the ideology and strategy of the PFLP
and work with the other comrades first, then we will decide where your talents could best be put in
the service of the revolution.” I interrupted. "I want to fight, I can't wait, and what do I need such a
fancy language for anyway?" Patiently Abu Nidal explained: "Leila, the liberation of Palestine is
going to be a long, long struggle. You will have ample time to prove your prowess. Believe me, if
you're capable of fighting and wish to fight, the PF will not hesitate to send you anywhere you're
needed." I was cheered by his reassuring promise but I wanted to make sure that I was not going to
be left stranded. "What should I do then?" I asked, "First of all," he said, "you will have to spread
the word at your place of work and form a study group to educate yourselves and undertake various
projects to help the PF financially. Next week we will meet here again and continue our discussion.
We will get in touch with you if you forget to get in touch with us." I left the Bookstore and went
home at peace with myself. I felt I was on the road to Haifa. I was coming out of the abyss.

The same evening I contacted some of my close friends. We spent the whole night together,
evaluating the political affiliation and commitment of each teacher. We decided that we had a large
number of sympathisers and could probably form a cell in a few weeks.

From now on we met regularly every week and I saw Abu Nidal periodically to obtain PF literature
and advice, Abu Nidal also put me in touch with some former comrades from the old ANM who had
joined the PF. We were slowly building a PF network in Kuwait. The assault on the El-A1 plane on
December 26, 1968 in Athens gave us a big push, especially after December 28, when the Israelis,
raided Beirut International Airport and destroyed thirteen Middle East Airlines planes. We thanked
the Israelis for enlisting Lebanese support for the revolution and admired their audacity in blowing

48

up planes that were seventy to eighty per cent American owned. From our vantage point we were
anxious to see the consequences. The world was at last forced to take notice of Palestinian actions.
‘The Arab press couldn't ignore them, nor could the Zionists conceal them. The Israelis had helped
the cause more than we dared contemplate by their prompt and decisive "reprisal". It seemed the
more spectacular the action the better the morale of our people, We looked forward to more.

Here is the aim of the Palestine revolution a

s spelled out in the PF programme.

The Palestinian liberation movement is not racist or hostile to the Jews. It is not aimed at the Jewish
people. Its aim is to break the Israeli military, political and economic entity which is based on
aggression, expansion and organic unity with the interests of imperialism in our homeland, It is
against Zionism as a racist aggressive movement in alliance with imperialism. Zionism has
capitalised on the suffering of the Jewish people to serve its interests and those of imperialism in
this rich part of the world, which is the gateway to the countries of Africa and Asia. The aim of the
Palestinian liberation movement is the establishment of a national democratic state in Palestine in
which the Arabs and Jews can live as equal citizens with regard to rights and duties, forming an
integral part of the democratic progressive Arab national existence which will live peacefully with
all the progressive forces in the world.

The Palestinian liberation movement is a progressive national movement against the forces of
aggression and imperialism, The link between the interests of imperialism and the continued
existence of Israel will make our war against the latter basically a war against imperialism. On the
other hand the link between the Palestinian liberation movement and the Arab progressive
movement will make our war against Israel that of 100 million Arabs in their national and unified
struggle. The battle of Palestine today, and all the objective circumstances surrounding it, will make
the war a starting point for the attainment of the interconnected aims of the Arab revolution,

Lastly the Palestinian war, as far as the Palestinian and Arab people are concerned, will lead to the
civilisation of the Arabs and result in the transition of the Arab people from the state of under-
development to the requirements of modern life. Through our war of liberation we shall acquire
political awareness of the facts of this age, and we shall throw aside delusions and learn the value of
facts. The habits of under-development exemplified in surrender, dependence, individuality,
tribalism, laziness, anarchy and extemporisation will be changed, through the war of liberation, In
their place will come: the realisation of the value of time, organisation, accuracy, objective thinking,
the importance of collective action, planning, total mobilisation; interest in education and
acquisition of all its weapons, and knowledge of the value of the human being; the freeing of
woman-half of society-from the bondage of decadent habits and customs; the basis of nationalism

in confronting dangers and the supremacy of this connection over tribalism and regionalism. Our
long-term national war of liberation implies our fusion ina new way of life and our starting point

on the road of progress and civilisation.

‘The enemy camp is defined as follows:

(1) The enemy of the Arabs in the war of liberation is Israel, Zionism, world imperialism and Arab
reaction.

(2) This enemy has definite technological superiority which naturally is converted to military
superiority and a great fighting force.

(3) The enemy has long experience in opposing the people's development towards economic and
political liberation, It has the ability to abort revolutions.

(4) The nature of the war of liberation, as far as the main military base of this enemy-Israel-is
concerned, is a war of life or death which the political and military leadership inside Israel will

49

attempt to fight until the last breath The National Front and the forces that constitute the revolution:

s of the
this direction.

‘We consider Palestinian national unity as essential in the mobilisation of all the fore
revolution to resist the enemy camp. On this basis we should adopt a definite stand

(5) The form of national unity is the creation of a front in which all the classes of the revolution-
workers, peasants and petit bourgeoisie-should be represented,

We should attend actively to the mobilisation of workers and peasants in one revolutionary political
organisation armed with the ideology of scientific socialism. On this bas e should actively
attempt to unify all the left-wing Palestinian organisations which, through dialogue between them
and through their experience, can commit themselves to such an analysis.

The petit bourgeoisie will not join an organisation committed to scientific socialism and strong
political organisation. Thus it will join those Palestinian organisations which raise general liberal
slogans, avoid clarity in thinking and analysis of class structure, and exist in an organisational form
that does not require of the petit bourgeoisie more than its capacity. In other words, the petit
bourgeoisie will fill, in the first place, the ranks of El-Fateh and the Palestine Liberation
Organisation (PLO).

On this basis, and on the basis of our understanding of the basic conflict, the nature of the present
phase and the necessity of national unity to assemble all the forces of the revolution to resist Israel,
we should work for the establishment of a national front with El-Fateh and the PLO which can offer
the war of liberation the necessary class alliance on the one hand, and protect the right of each class
to view the war and plan for it in accordance with its class vision on the other.

Our study group was rapidly mastering the strategy and ideology of the PF and moving towards the
cell stage. On the advice of Abu Nidal we were studying more advanced radical books and
broadening our horizons when another Palestinian woman revolutionary made world headlines and
shook our movement. The morning of February 18 was just another day for me. As usual I got up at
five-thirty a.m. to prepare breakfast and listen to the BBC news. Suddenly I heard over the air the
name of Amina Dhahbour. She had been in on an attack on an El-Al plane at Zurich, She was the
first woman to participate in a foreign operation. The news struck me like lightning, A Palestinian
woman, a revolutionary, in the citadel of financial capitalism! Fortunately the BBC announcers
regularly repeat the major news items and read them over in detail for I wasn't certain at first
whether I was hearing or imagining,

Iran out in my pyjamas screaming throughout the dormitory, "She did it! She did it! Palestine will
be free!" Everyone thought that I had gone mad, But I made sure that everyone got the message: A
Palestinian woman was fighting while we were talking in far-away Kuwait, Within a few minutes
we were all celebrating the liberation of Palestine and the liberation of women, Fateh and PF
women embraced and danced the Palestine Debke together in the corridors of El-Shaab, The PFLP
had earned its way to the El-Shaab teaching staff and their wallets, We decided that henceforth all
funds collected must be distributed equally between Fateh and the PF. The Fateh sisters acquiesced;
they had no choice. The school became a beehive for the resistance. Even the pupils were turned
into revolutionary salesmen and fundraisers. We indoctrinated them so well that some of them
turned out to be more effective supporters of the resistance than many of us.

That same day I called comrade Abu Nidal and informed him that I wanted to join the Spe:
Operations Squad. He agreed. From then on I received advanced, highly specialised training. It was
now only a matter of time until I participated in a foreign military operation. The hour of reckoning
was drawing closer for me.

While I engaged in intensive training, I continued teaching and converted my study group into a

50

tradition-breaking cell, In Kuwait politics were forbidden but six women decided to stake career
and reputation in the name of resistance, On an April morning, the Moslem Easter, we marched to
the centre of Kuwait carrying PF collection boxes and requesting donations. At first the other
women were not enthusiastic; they were frightened. I was shameless and fearless; nothing mattered
to me but the revolution, We quickly discovered that the people were more advanced than we
thought. They not only contributed generously, but urged us to mobilise others to help canvas the
whole city, which we did. The women joined the vanguard. The masses filled our coffers. No one,
not even official sources, criticised our action. Kuwait city was ready to join the move to social
progress.

Encouraged by this response, I decided to earn some money for the PF by tutoring in English and
by using the talent for hairdressing that I had acquired in Lebanon as a youngster. Without revealing
details of my political affiliation, I applied for and got a job in a beauty salon for the two week
Easter vacation. After hours I worked tirelessly to raise funds for the PF. I seized every opportunity
to propagate the cause, One day an affluent looking lady who must have been pleased by the
hairstyle I gave her, gave me a twenty-five fils tip. I hesitated for a moment, then accepted it and
gave her a receipt for it. The lady was surprised when she saw the stamp of the Popular Front on it.
But she gave me another dinar and wished the PF well. My employer who had witnessed the
exchange was not angry. She said that she sympathised with the cause, but she asked me to keep my
politics to myself. I was especially careful and courteous in dealing with people and she said such
revolutionary qualities were necessary for Arab women, When I left she gave me my pay plus a five
dinar donation to the PF, The PF was indeed making friends.

Iwas not, however, the happiest of women. The party was making me do this sort of work that I
didn't enjoy. I was restless for action. That spring I said goodbye to teaching and to my Kuwaiti
friends: my time had come. I headed for Amman, My Russian-made gun, the Seminof, became my
companion!

When I arrived in Amman, the city was swarming with guerrillas. It felt good to be a Palestinian in
one’s homeland. Within a few days, with twenty women comrades I was taken to a military camp
north of Amman where we were to undergo more intensive and specialised training. Here I met the
legendary heroine of our underground in the occupied territory, Rashida Obeida. She was a truly
ipressive human being as well as a beautiful woman. She knew how to handle a gun and she knew
when to use it for the cause. I made friends with her and Feihaa Abdul El-Hadi almost immediately.

Before we embarked on a mission to test our endurance, the head of the military school, comrade
Hassan, gave us a final briefing in which he distinguished between mere political agitation and
fund-raising and politico-military work. He concluded his speech by saying "This phase of our work
harsh and, severe. Once you start it you can't withdraw until the objective is accomplished,
Therefore," he continued, "examine your consciences, comrades, and see if you're really up to it-if
not, please depart in peace.” Startled, we each looked around and wondered whether we should
proceed or withdraw. A three hour "struggle session" followed, The arguments centred around
whether our training was going to be used or whether we were just, training for contingencies. We
also argued about individuality, the role of women in the Movement and the kind of relationship we
were going to have with parents, boy friends or husbands. Ifa woman decided to commit herself to
this phase of the revolution it meant the final break with her past and relegating her private life and
desires to a secondary position. If she was unable to accept these terms, then she could make a
partial commitment to become a supporter or a friend of the resistance rather than train to become a
professional revolutionary. Those who chose the military option were to remain for further training.
The women who thought of the training period as a pleasant summer promenade began to retreat.
Rashida and | immediately upbraided the comrade who pointed out that she had no formal
permission from her parents to be in the camp. Rashida told her bluntly: "Sister, if at twenty-five,
you still have to depend on your mother's approval, you do not belong in the Popular Front. You

51

should go back home and ask your mother to find you a husband and prepare an attractive dowry
for you." I was less harsh than Rashida. "Look sisters, Palestine beckons us to redeem her and here
we are squabbling among ourselves about parents and families. I think we should overcome this
kind of adolescence and act as grown-up women, not as appendages to our men or maids to our
parents." I looked Salwa in the eye and said, "If you wish to leave, no one will stop you. If you're
incapable of acting as a mature and self-determining woman, return home for further ‘training’.” In
the heat of the debate three women collapsed under the pressure and decided they didn't belong in
this phase of the work.

Comrade Hassan re-entered the tent as the sunshine patriots departed. He wished them well. The
rest of us hurried to make plans for survival in the arid mountains of Jordan, Night was settling in.
The plains and the cities below were our guardians. I was tense and didn't sleep well that night.
Most of us were very on edge for the next few days. Some had misgivings, others feared the
unknown, I realised that at last my dream was coming true and overcame my tenseness. I had no
time for prolonged doubt or fright. I had lived that agonising period months before. I was ready for
action

Action was forthcoming, but not in the expected form. On the third night of our stay in the
mountains, a comrade guard was nervously watching for Zionist infiltrators and walking gingerly
when she heard a strange sound. She ordered the infiltrator to stop and identify himself. He didn't,
She fired into the darkness. In seconds everyone in the camp was crawling on their stomachs in
search of the enemy. Soulafah continued firing as we zeroed in on the target, knowing that if she
killed one intruder, at least two or three others must be at large in the vicinity. We quickly found out
that there were none and that the comrade guard had indeed scored: she had killed a donkey
invader! We had a brief meeting and decided to pay the owners of the donkey the required price, but
no one ever claimed the poor wandering beast.

A few days after the donkey affair, there were no jokes. Our intelligence relayed a message that the
Israelis were planning to bomb our camp at five a.m. on June 5, to celebrate the second anniversary
of the June War. At three a.m, I had just returned from manoeuvres and wanted to catch an hour or
two of sleep. But Comrade Bassim ordered us to depart immediately and made preparations to
move out heavy equipment. It so happened that we were being visited that evening by a group of
Iraqi artists who wanted to live the revolution and witness the work of revolutionaries. The comrade
artists had their fill that night as they joined our column's march in darkness. At the appointed time
the Israeli bombers swooped over the area, dropped their flares and bombs without being
challenged and turned the early morning sunshine into a blinding column of smoke. They strafed
the whole region for several minutes with their hell of iron and destruction and then returned home
safely, We were helpless, Hussein's air force was on the ground; it was not intended for use against
the Israelis but against the Palestinians who didn't own a single civilian plane. The world’s press
reported the incident as Israeli reconnaissance and termed the second anniversary of the June War
“peaceful”. We returned to camp, rebuilt it in a few days, and resumed our preparations to confront
the Zionist enemy.

At camp I did my utmost to prove that I was fit to be a good guerrilla fighter. I carried out orders
conscientiously. My instructors offered no criticism, expressed no admiration, and had no particular
plan for me. I knew that the PF leadership would take my personal desires into consideration, but
would decide what missions I was to undertake on the basis of my potential and performances.

The training schedule was exacting, but occasionally left us time for a little fun. We were
“entertaining” a group of foreign students and trying to lead a Bedouin kind of life in order to
politicise our Bedouin population. The students had been attending an international solidarity
meeting in Amman held under the auspices of the General Union of Palestinian Students. Most
were graduates of the 1968 university upheavals in the West. We found it very amusing that they

52

honestly believed they were making a "revolution" if they undressed in public, seized a university
building, or shouted an obscenity at bureaucrats. I was initially opposed and refused to talk to them,
even though some believed in violent revolution, because I didn’t want to be another experimental
"guinea-pig" to Westerners. I finally relented and I am glad I did, I hadn't met Western
“revolutionaries” before. It tuned out they represented an unfamiliar cultural rather than a political
phenomenon, Some seemed to have read the historic political literature of the left, but most
regarded the Marxist-Leninist leaders disdainfully, with the exception of the "Young Marx", who
held some sort of fascination for a few of them, Though we were impressed by their moral integrity
and personal dedication, we felt their ideology and strategy had little to do with the making of
revolution, Some Americans were quite serious and believed in the historic mission of the working
class and were making plans to integrate themselves with the masses. What astonished us most
about this group was that they were opposed to nationalism, a doctrine we hold dearly as a
colonised and dissipated people. Some believed in violence for "the hell of it" and in students as
revolutionary agents of history. But the majority were inclined towards guerrilla theatre as a means
of "making revolution”, They performed a little for us.

‘As they were departing I was rather struck by a French anarchist student who proclaimed "Let
chaos reign" and by a German who echoed the same sentiment. I exclaimed that the Palestinian
people were an example of a society in chaos without authority and leadership, which as a result,
was left at the mercy of the Zionist oppressor. I asked them what could they prescribe for us in
order to overcome our kind of "alienation" -beards, long hair, and toy guns? They merely paused,
they smiled, they reflected, they inhaled and passed their joints on in universal wonder.

One of the most serious problems the resistance has experienced and one that it has failed to face is
the integration of the Palestinian and Jordanian masses. Fateh made no genuine effort to reach the
people in Jordan, We in the Front believed not only in Arab unity in general, but also in the
indissolubility of the Jordanian and Palestinian people. Hence we worked with the Bedouin
population near our camp and we were able to win them over to the side of the revolution. We even
trained a large number of them in the art of espionage and offered them ideological as well as
military training. Our open and friendly relations with them enabled some of us to visit their tents
and give talks to whole families and sometimes even whole tribes.

1, along with our squad commander, Bassim, were frequent visitors and occasionally we were
invited as guests to their feasts. I remember vividly the night we attended a wedding dinner
celebrated before the parents of the bride took their daughter to the groom's tent. A desert moon
whispered love to those assembled; it was a night to love and be loved. Gracious maidens danced,
their flowing rainbow-coloured robes touching our cheeks gently. All was joy, all was fun, Bassim
and I were beginning to fall in love

But before we could share in the pleasure of the occasion a messenger suddenly rushed in and
handed me a two-word note: return immediately. I leapt to my feet, wished the bride well and
returned hurriedly to camp. The commander was curt, "We received an order saying you should be
in Beirut tomorrow at ten a.m, It is now 9 p.m." I immediately packed my belongings and headed to
Amman and out to Beirut, not knowing what was in the offing for me, There were some
complications on the border with Syria, but they were settled and I reached Beirut in time.

The comrade who was waiting for me looked casual and friendly as I stormed in spouting indignant
protests, "I told you that I make my own decisions. I don't want to leave the Front now after all that
training and hard work." He was puzzled for a moment, "I know that, that is why I sent for you.
Why are you shouting?"

apologised. "I thought you were going to release me under pressure from the family."

He smiled reassuringly, then his tone became very serious, "Comrade Khaled, would you be ready

53

to go to prison?”

"Yes," I replied without hesitation.
Will you break down under torture?"
"No."

"Are you ready to die?"
"Yes. Why do you ask these questions, don't you believe the oath of honour I took?,"

"Yes," he muttered apologetically. "Then let us proceed to the next point," I said impatiently. He
paused as if to make his words more solemn, "Leila, you have a mission to undertake. Go home and
say goodbye to your family. Come back tomorrow at ten." I was overjoyed by the news and didn't
even dare ask exactly what the mission would be.

At home mother was most suspicious when I announced that I was going back to Kuwait, She
noticed that I had purchased no new clothes and I appeared absorbed in something. Mother said,
"Leila, 1 am going to cook you a real Palestinian dish of Maklouba with Lebanese Kubeh. I have a
feeling I am not going to see you for a while, and its way too early in the summer for you to be
going to Kuwait.” I was delighted. "Wonderful mother, do it. I have truly missed your cooking in
the past year." We had a pleasant family meal, but my mind was on the mysterious mission,

In the morning I left for Beirut. Abu Zeid was waiting. With a glint in his eyes he calmly said,
"Leila, you are going to hijack a TWA plane." I burst out laughing. He was taken aback. "Why are
you laughing?" he asked. "Comrade Abu Zeid," I said, "do you know what passed through my mind
when you said that? | imagined I was going to carry the plane on my shoulders and run away with

it. I envisioned the guards and all sorts of people running after me." He replied gravely, "Just get the
plane and don't let anyone foil your plan." I rehearsed the whole plan until I had memorised every
detail. I was on my way to Rome, not on a romantic adventure, but on a mission against US
imperialism,

5 Palestine in America
We must grow tough, but without ever losing our tenderness.
Che Guevara, 1967

THE ARAB PEOPLE ARE FREQUENTLY ACCUSED BY THEIR opponents and sometimes by
their friends of being too emotional. I, as a Palestine Arab woman, have something to be
legitimately emotional about: the loss of my home and community and the denial of my present and
future. But I am not going to succumb to emotionalism and allow my feelings to blind my reason
and undermine my confidence in the capacity of my people to liberate their land. In spite of the
power of the enemy, I intend to rely on revolutionary ideology and strategy and mass mobilisation
to achieve our objectives. In my work I have chosen to be the ally of reason, not passion, and my
party, the Popular Front, also analyses and reasons before acting.

We do not embark haphazardly on adventurous and romantic individualistic projects to fulfill
"individual needs" or "act out of frustrations and hostiliti is Western "scientific" psychologists
hypothesise, We act collectively in a planned manner either to neutralise a prospective friend of the

34

enemy or to expose a vital nerve of the enemy and, above all, to dramatise our own plight and to
express our resolute determination to alter "the new realities" that Mr. Moshe Dayan's armies have
created. Generally, we act not with a view to crippling the enemy because we lack the power to do
so-but with a view to disseminating revolutionary propaganda, sowing terror in the heart of the
enemy, mobilising our masses, making our cause international, rallying the forces of progress on
our side, and underscoring our grievances, before an unresponsive Zionist inspired and Zionist-
informed Western public opinion. As a comrade has said: We act heroically in a cowardly world to
prove that the enemy is not invincible. We act "violently" in order to blow the wax out of the ears of
the deaf Western liberals and to remove the straws that block their vision, We act as revolutionaries
to inspire the masses and to trigger off the revolutionary upheaval in an era of counter-revolution.
Dr. Habash, the Secretary General of the PFLP, has stated our human dilemma and our ethical view
thus:

After 22 years of injustice and inhuman living in camps with nobody caring for us, we feel that we
have the very full right to protect our revolution, we have all the right to protect our revolution, Our
Code of Morals is Our Revolution. What serves our revolution, what helps our revolution, what
protects our revolution is right, is very right and honourable and very noble and very beautiful,
because our revolution means justice, means having our homes back, having back our country,
which is a very just and noble aim.

(June 12, 1970)

I do not see how my oppressor could sit in judgment on my response to his oppressive actions
against me, He is in no position to render an impartial judgment or to accuse me of air piracy and
hijacking when he has hijacked my home and hijacked me and my people out of our land. If the
enemy defines morality and legality in his own terms and decides to apply his ethical and legal
doctrines against me because he has the power as well as the means of communications to justify
his inhumanity, I am under no moral obligation to listen, let alone obey his dictates. Indeed, I am
under a moral obligation to resist and to fight to death the enemy's moral corruption. My deed
cannot be evaluated without examining the underlying causes. The revolutionary deed I carried out
on August 29, 1969 was an assertion of my spurned humanity, a declaration of the humanity of
Palestinians, It was an act of protest against the West for its pro-Zionist (therefore anti Palestir
posture. The list of the sins of the West is overwhelming.

Germany, according to Zionism, has "atoned" for the incineration of six million Jews by the
payment of nine billion marks in "reparations" to the state of Israel, the "haven" of a united Zionist
Jewry. It has since 1965 almost wholly identified with Israel, especially before and during the June
War, when the former Nazi chancellor offered to give the Israelis "gas masks" to protect them from
"Arab bacteriological warfare". Israel for her part has entertained Joseph Strauss and sold Uzzi
rifles to Germany.

France has not only supplied Israel with Mysteres, Super Mysteres and Mirages, but has allowed the
Israelis to "steal" French gunboats from Cherbourg, contrary to De Gaulle's wishes. De Gaulle
merely "relieved" the general who turned over the boats to Israel. Guy Mollet, the French Socialist
prime minister, conspired with Ben Gurion and Anthony Eden and invaded Egypt in 1956. France
provided Israel with the scientific know-how and material to manufacture the atomic bomb at
Dimona and labelled the plutonium-producing plant a “textile factory”.

Switzerland, the neutral country, has not only detained Arab revolutionaries and released the
murderers of Palestinians, but has also closed its eyes to Zionist kidnappers who killed scientists
working for my people. Switzerland has let go practically unpunished Zionists who stole its own
state secrets and advanced Mystere blueprints,

55

Although we had expected Mr, Nixon to appear in person at the Zionist meeting in Los Angeles on
August 29, 1969, as TWA flight 840 took off from Rome, he did not. Instead, he sent a letter to the
president, Mr. Jacques Torezyner, who read it to his fellow Zionists on behalf of Mr. Nixon. The
letter stated that America was committed to "friendly relations with Israel" and cited the
organisation "for strengthening Israel's social and economic foundations and the cultural ties
between its people and their friends in America”. Nixon regarded "these efforts" as being "in the
highest American tradition", and assured the Zionists that his government sought "a Middle East
arms balance" that favoured Israel's "continued military superiority”.

‘As the Zionists were gathering in Los Angeles with California Governor Ronald Reagan and Golda
Meir, I was having a pleasant chat with the Singer Sewing Machine Company's Middle East agent
on my way to Rome to divert TWA flight 840 to Damascus,

[had trained for every conceivable contingency; I had mastered most operational details of the great
Boeing 707. There was something, however, I did not train for: the human situation, How to deal
with idle or curious conversationalists. How not to arouse their suspicions or be rude to a seat-mate.
Thad to improvise and felt very uncomfortable. I imagined that all the Westerners aboard knew
about my mission,

My seat-mate from Beirut to Rome was a clean-cut sociable American on his way to New York. I
knew that Americans, like most other tourists, like to make casual conversation about everything
under the sun. I didn't realise that they posed personal questions so directly and so nonchalantly. Mr.
Holden must have been bored, and he wanted to talk. "Where are you going?" he asked to open the
conversation, "I am going to Rome," I said.

"Why are you going to Rome?" he continued.

I paused momentarily to fabricate an answer, and said with simulated shyness, "I am going to meet
my fiance who is coming from London to meet me in Rome in a few days." I suddenly realised I
had made a slip. What if he too were going to Rome, and asked me to dinner or something while I
was waiting for my "fiance". I swiftly corrected my mistake by adding, "It is quite possible that he
might surprise me and be waiting for me at the airport.”

Then I asked him, "Where are you going?"
"To New York," he said, much to my relief.

He was determined not to let the conversation lapse. "How on earth would an Arab girl be going to
Rome to meet her fiance alone and get married?" he asked. I answered in a superficially self-
assured tone, "I've known him since we were children, and we've been engaged for several years;
besides, we are moder, not traditional Arabs.” "That's good," he said, and started telling me how he
and his wife had eloped because her parents had disapproved of him, As [ assured him that I was
not eloping, the stewardess cheerfully announced that there was a newly-married couple on the
plane and they had a huge cake they would like us to share. "Who would like to have some cake?"
she said, Everybody, including Mr. Holden and I, chanted in a chorus of "I would." In the midst of
this jolly atmosphere, Mr, Holden asked, as if to dampen my enthusiasm for marriage,. "How come
you're getting married when your fiance is still a student and without a career?" I smiled. "We're not
filthy-rich oil kings, but we're rich enough to afford it while we're young." "Then," he said, "may I
suggest that you spend your honeymoon on a yacht by yourselves, on a Mediterranean cruise.” I
interrupted, protesting "I'd rather be among people." He slyly asked, "Are you going to marry the
people?" "No," I said, "but I love being with people.”

‘As I cleared customs and claimed my luggage, I had to face a porter who insisted on helping me,
and then asked "When can I see you -tonight?" I was angered by his forwardness, and firmly said,
"Lam engaged; I am sorry," resorting to the traditional stewardess's reply. I had to face the same

37

problem with another man on the bus into Rome. By now I was running out of patience, especially
as my suitor squeezed close to me and practically tried to hold me in his arms without having
spoken to me. I said furiously, "Take your hand off me. You're about to drive me out of the bus with
your pushiness.” He did, and he didn’t dare make any other overtures all the way,

I spent two days at the hotel fending off invitations for personally guided tours of Rome, During
these two days, I walked the streets of Rome alone. It is strange, but I had no desire to purchase
anything, see Rome's ancient glory, or even go to a film. I only walked and walked, contemplating
my mission and reciting its details to myself.

Early on the morning of August 29, I checked out of the hotel and caught a bus to Fiumicino Airport
on the outskirts of Rome. Happily, the only snag was a half-hour flight delay. My associate, whom I
recognised only from a photograph, appeared on schedule and we exchanged pre-arranged signals.
His name was Salim Issawi; he was a Palestinian from Haifa who had been raised in Syria. Salim
sat quietly nearby and we tried to ignore each other.

All was going smoothly when suddenly the human element threatened our careful planning, A few
seats away there was a little girl with a button on her dress cheerfully proclaiming "Make Friends"
That message brought me up short, forced me to remind myself, as I watched her playing with her
little sister, that this child had committed no crime against me or my people. It would be cruel to
imperil her life by hijacking a plane, the symbolic meaning of which she had no conception -a plane
that could explode during our attempted seizure or be blown up by Israeli anti-aireraft fire when we
entered the "Israeli airspace”.

While these qualms pricked my conscience, the whole history of Palestine and her children came
before my eyes. I saw everything from the first day of my exile. I saw my people homeless, hungry,
barefoot. The twice "refugee" children of Bagan camp near Amman seemed to stand, a humiliated
multitude, in front of me saying, "We too are children and we are a part of the human race." The
scene strengthened me enormously. I said to myself, "What crime did I and my people perpetrate
against anyone to deserve the fate we have suffered?” The answer was "None". The operation must
be carried out. There can be no doubt or retreat. My children have spoken,

On the bus across the field to the Boeing 707, another unscheduled problem developed. A handsome
man in his early thirties came up to me and said "Hello" in a most jovial, enthusiastic manner.
"Hello," I replied nonchalantly, as I calmly tried to read My Friend Che by Ricardo Rojo. He
seemed very eager to talk and asked me who I was and where I was going. I couldn't very well
repeat the marriage tale and couldn't invent anything quickly enough. I said, "Guess."

He tried, "Greek, Spanish, Italian?” I asked him where he was from. "Lam from Chicago," he
answered, and continued his questioning. "You wouldn't be South American, would you?" Now that
I knew where he was from, I figured it was safe to say that I was a South American, I thought it
might end his questioning, at least. "From Brazil?" he asked, looking admiringly at me, and ogling
my whole body. "You're getting closer," I said.

"Bolivia?" "Yes," I replied, "but how did you know?" "It's your book that gave you away," he
declared. 1 asked him what he thought of Che. "Good man," he said. "Where are you going?" I
countered, trying to change to a less controversial topic. "To Athens, to see my mother. I haven't
seen her in fifteen years. I bet she's there already, waiting for me at the airport." I was astounded,
and almost told him, "You bloody fool, you'd better get off this plane, because it isn't going to
Athens." [ tried to ignore him and closed my ears to keep his voice from penetrating my inner
conscience. I plunged into a nervous reading of My Friend Che.

This encounter made me stop and think, because I understood the longing for one’s own country.
However, I rationalised his plight by making a distinction between his "exile", which was voluntary,
and mine, which was forced, But these human encounters made me decide to be extra careful not to

58

jeopardise the lives of the passengers unnecessarily, Their welfare, however, did not and could not
cripple my operation. The deed had to be carried out. There was no turning back.

The plane was airborne for only twenty minutes before the hostesses were graciously trying to serve
their five first-class passengers. Neither Salim nor I was anxious to eat. The stewardesses were very
solicitous. They offered us drinks and peanuts. Anything we wanted. | settled for a coffee, Salim for
a beer. But they made us nervous, as they kept returning and asking us if we wanted anything else. I
pretended that I had a stomach ache and asked for a blanket. | innocently placed it over my lap, so I
could take my hand grenade out of my purse and put my pistol right in the top of my trousers
without being noticed. Salim asked for an aspirin tablet. I was afraid the stewardess might suspect
something had she realised that two passengers opposite each other in the first row were sick, In any
case, | dreaded the prospect of having a companion with a headache, so was relieved when he
merely pocketed the aspirin, Seconds after the only other male passenger in the first class section
returned from the small lounge, I gestured to Salim to proceed to the cockpit. Just at that moment,
another hostess carrying the crew's lunch trays was opening the door of the cockpit. Salim seized
the opportunity and leapt in ahead of her, She screamed, "Oh no!" and her trays flew in the air,
causing much noise but no injury. I was behind Salim and ordered the stewardess to get out of the
way. She did, quivering and watching us over her shoulder. Salim was so huge that he blocked my
view, and I couldn't see the reaction of the crew. I could, however, hear him say that the plane had
been taken over by the Che Guevara Commando Unit of the PFLP, and announce that the new
captain was Shadiah Abu Ghazalah

In the middle of his speech, my pistol slipped down the leg of my trousers and, as I bent down to
pick it up, I saw the bewildered looks on the crew's faces. I suppose all they could see was part of
my wide-brimmed chic hat. I felt ridiculous for a moment, laughed at my ineptness, put the pistol
away, and entered the cockpit solemnly brandishing my hand grenade and declaring I was the new
captain. The crew were completely shocked to see me there, but they showed no fear. To
demonstrate my credibility, I immediately offered my predecessor, Captain Carter, the safety pin
from the grenade as a souvenir, He respectfully declined it. I dropped it at his feet and made my
speech, "If you obey my orders, all will be well; if not, you will be responsible for the safety of
passengers and aircraft.”

"Go to Lydda," | instructed. "To Lod 2" he queried, using the Israeli name. "You understand
English, don't you?" I said curtly. "You just listen to my orders and don't ask silly questions." Since
I knew the plane carried fuel for almost three hours and 45 minutes, | decided to reaffirm my
authority by testing the flight engineer. I tuned towards him and asked, "How much fuel do you
have, flight engineer?" "For two hours," he promptly replied, without even looking at the fuel
gauge. "Liar," I shouted, and told him that I knew just as much as he did about the Boeing, and that
if he ever lied to me again I'd break his neck. The pilot tried to calm me down, He thought I was
angry, but I was actually overjoyed. He warned the crew not to be obstinate in dealing with their
new captain.

Realising that he was prepared to co-operate, I asked Captain Carter to radio Rome so that I could
explain my action to the Italian people. He explained that we were too far away. I insisted that he
try. He did, We had no luck. I asked a steward to bring our hand luggage forward, and then ordered
m and the other first-class passengers to move to the tourist section. Next I demanded that the
intercom system be turned on. All orders were complied with, and I read the following message to
the passengers:

Ladies and gentlemen, your attention please, Kindly fasten your seat belts. This is your new captain
speaking. The Che Guevara Commando Unit of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
which has taken over command of this TWA flight demands that all passengers on board adhere to
the following instructions.

59

Remain seated and keep calm.

For your own safety, place your hands behind your head. Make no move which would endanger the
lives of other passengers on this plane.

‘We will consider all your demands within the safe limits of our plan. Among you is a passenger
responsible for the death and misery of a number of Palestinian men, women and children, on
behalf of whom we are carrying out this operation to bring this assassin before a revolutionary
Palestinian court. The rest of you will be honourable guests of the heroic Palestinian people in a
hospitable, friendly country. Every one of you, regardless of religion or nationality, is guaranteed
freedom to go wherever he pleases as soon as the plane is safely landed.

Our destination

a friendly country, and friendly people will receive you,

As I completed reading the message, I observed that the plane had swerved off the course I charted
for it. l ordered the captain not to play games if he wanted to reach our destination safely and put
him on course again. Then Salim reminded me that fifteen minutes had elapsed since the passengers
were asked to hold their hands behind their heads. I quickly advised them to relax and to drink
champagne if they so desired, and offered an apology for inconveniencing them,

Shortly afterwards, a stewardess came in and explained that most of the passengers didn't
understand English, didn't know what we had said, and would like us to repeat the message. She
even offered to translate it into French for them. I repeated the message and assured them that
everything was normal, that there was only one person on the plane we were after. Later, this was
interpreted by the press as indicating that we were after the Israeli ambassador to the US, General
Itzhak Rabin of June War fame, We were not, and if we had been, I would not have boarded flight
840 at Rome, since I saw all the passengers and knew that Rabin was not among them. Saleh Al
Moualim, an Israeli Arab on board, must have thought that he was the person we meant, because he
became very jittery and frightened. The selective terror tactic worked; the passengers’ fear
diminished and everyone co-operated with us. In explaining the message to the passengers, I told
them that we detested the American government's Middle East actions, and held no grudge against
any individual person, They were frightened, however, when I announced that we intended to blow
up the plane upon arrival in a friendly country. I announced this only an hour before reaching
Damascus,

Meanwhile, I resumed radio contact with the ground, sending messages of solidarity to the Greek
revolutionaries and to the people of South Europe. I demanded that the Greek colonels release our
jprisoned revolutionaries, and said that the CIA plotters would be toppled by the Greek people.
All went according to plan, until we got the Egyptian observation tower on our wave-length. I
identified myself to the controller in Arabic and asked him to convey to the Egyptian people the
greetings of the Palestinian revolution. I advised him that I was going to Lydda, and his voice
crackled: "Allah, to Lydda, what will you do there?" "Visit the fatherland," I said. "Are you sure of
that?" "I certainly am," I replied enthusiastically. He tried to tell me that it was too dangerous. I
switched him off, then relented momentarily as he sereamed, "Oh Front, Oh Popular, Oh Arab
Palestine!" but the rest of the appeal was too incoherent and inaudible.

Within minutes, I could see the coast of my Palestine in the haze. As we approached the land of my
birth, it seemed that my love and I were racing towards each other for an eternal embrace. I rushed
towards my beloved and saw Palestine for the first time since my forced exile in 1948. I was lost in
a moment of passion and meditation. Then I remembered the mission and ordered the pilot to
descend, and I addressed a message in Arabic to my fellow exiles in occupied Palestine, telling
them we shall return and we shall recover the land. I advised them to remain steadfast and promised
to smash the Zionist fortress of conceit. I told Lydda tower in Arabic that we were going to land. He
didn't understand, the pilot said, and told us we should ask for clearance and wait. I said, "This is

60

my country. I do not need permission from the Zionist vultures to land."

I spoke to the tower in English, saying: "Here we come again. Shadiah Abu Ghaselah has come
back to life, There are millions of Shadiahs who will be returning again and again to reclaim the
land.” The Israeli tower must have been terrified for a while because I said that we intended to blow
up the plane right in the airport. In seconds three Israeli Mirages appeared on the horizon and tried
to prevent us from landing. I turned the intercom on so that the passengers could hear the exchange.

I declared anew that the pilot and the Israelis were responsible for the safety of the passengers and
the plane, and that we intended to do no harm to anyone if our orders were obeyed. The co-pilot
asked if he could speak to the Israelis and I let him. He said, "Popular Front, Free Arab Palestine,
Armed people have threatened to explode the plane with hand grenades if your Mirages don't clear
out.” Until this moment the Israeli tower was still addressing us as TWA 840. My patience ran out
and I told him to shut up and turned him off, saying that there will be no further communications
until he addressed us as Popular Front, Free Arab Palestine.

In seconds he did so as we swung around my beloved Haifa. The pilot asked, "What shall I do
now?" I said, "Let's take a seven-minute tour of the fatherland.” My father's image appeared before
my eyes, and I could hear his voice saying "When will we return home?" My whole world came
together. I was silent. I looked out at the greenery and mountains of Palestine. I could see Tel Aviv
below. I wept out of affection and longing, and said softly, "Father, we shall return, We shall redeem
your honour and restore your dignity. We shall become the sovereign of the land some day."
Suddenly, | remembered that the mission preceded personal emotions. | instructed the pilot, "Go to
Lebanon, where my people live as refugees.” The Israeli planes continued to pursue us. At the
Lebanese border, they zoomed away. I called Cyprus and sent greetings to its heroic anti-imperialist
fighters, and sent messages to my people in South Lebanon. The pilot interrupted. "We must ask for
clearance from Beirut." "We don't need to ask for clearance," I said, "This is an Arab country." We
circled Beirut briefly before I ordered the pilot to go on to Damascus. He objected, "The airport
there couldn't accommodate the Boeing 707.” "Look, do you think we're so backward that we
couldn't handle your damned plane?" I said strongly. He didn't respond, I took the microphone and
addressed the passengers for the last time: "Evacuate immediately on landing; have a happy holiday
in Syria. I trust we shall have a smooth landing.”

The fuel gauge was reading empty; the pilot sought clearance and I ordered him to land
immediately on the runway farthest from the air terminal. "Let's have a smooth landing," I said,
"because if I fall, the hand grenade could explode and that would be a terrible anticlimax to a happy
journey." He landed smoothly and in less than three minutes the plane was empty. Salim and I tried
to tell the passengers to slow down and to take their personal belongings with them. Most ran out
barefooted. Even the crew left their jackets behind, As Captain Carter stepped out, I saluted and
thanked him for his co-operation, He looked at me in astonishment, The co-pilot said, "You're most
welcome."

I checked the plane. All the passengers had left. Salim wired the cockpit and lit the fuse. I slid out
on one of the torn emergency chutes and fell to the ground on my rear. Salim followed and landed
on my shoulders, The plane did not explode as scheduled. Salim’s personal courage made him climb
back in and set everything in motion once more, When Syrian soldiers arrived on the scene, I
distracted them by saying, "The Israeli officers ran in that direction. Go and get them." Salim was
still in the plane. I feared for his safety, but admired his heroism and selfless devotion. I tried to leap
in and couldn't. Suddenly he appeared and waved reassuringly. The Boeing still did not explode. He
fired a few shots into the wing of the plane, but there was no fuel left, so it wouldn't readily ignite.
When sparks finally fluttered, we took cover twenty yards away. Half a mile away, the passengers

in the terminal watched the bonfire and the explosion of the Boeing. The Syrian soldiers returned,
astounded, They were even more surprised when Salim and I surrendered to them and turned over

61

our weapons. The Al--Hadaf photographer, who was parachuted by the Front to film our landing
and the explosion, was so excited that he forgot to remove the lens cap from his camera.

Our Syrian hosts took us to the air terminal, where I delivered a brief speech to the passengers:

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for your kind attention and co-operation during the flight. Lam
captain Shadiah Abu Ghazalah, That's not my name; my name is Khaleda, Shadiah is an immortal
woman who wrote: "Heroes are often forgotten, but their legends and memories are the property
and heritage of the people." That is something historians and analysts cannot understand. Shadiah
will not be forgotten by the Popular Front and by the generation of revolutionaries she helped
mould in the path of revolution, I would like you to know that Shadiah was a Palestinian Arab
woman from Nablus; that she was a schoolteacher and a member of the Popular Front underground;
that she died in an explosion at her own home at the age of twenty-one on November 21, 1968,
while manufacturing hand grenades for the Front. She was the first woman martyr of our revolution.
T assumed her name on flight $40 to tell the world about the crimes the Israelis inflict upon our
people and to demonstrate to you that they make no distinctions between men, women and children,
But for their own propaganda objectives they repeatedly state in your press how we attack their
“innocent” women and children and how cruel we are. I want you to know that we love children,
too, and we certainly do not aim our guns at them, We diverted flight 840 because TWA is one of
the largest American airlines that services the Israeli air routes and, more importantly, because it is
an American plane. The American government is Israel's staunchest supporter. It supplies Israel
with weapons for our destruction. It gives the Zionists tax-free American dollars. It supports Israel
at world conferences. It helps them in every possible way. We are against America because she is an
imperialist country. And our unit is called the Che Guevara Commando Unit because we abhor
America's assassination of Che and because we are a part of the Third World and the world
revolution. Che was an apostle of that revolution, We took the plane to Haifa because Comrade
Salim and I come from Haifa, Both of us were evicted in 1948, We took you to Tel Aviv as an act of
defiance and challenge to the Israclis and to demonstrate their impotence when the Arabs embark on
offensive rather then defensive strategy. We brought you to Damascus because Syria is the pulsating
heart of the Arab homeland and because the Syrians are a good and generous people. We hope you
will enjoy your stay in Damascus. We hope you will go home and tell your friends not to go to
Israel-to the Middle East war zone, Please tell your neighbours that we are a people like you who
wish to live in peace and security in our country, governing ourselves. Please tell the Americans that
if they hate war and the exploitation of others, they should stop their government from making war
on us and helping the Israelis to deprive us of our land. Tell your people that coming to Israel helps
her to deny our rights, Revolution and peace. Greetings to all lovers of the oppressed!

It was nearly seven p.m., August 29, 1969. As I concluded my speech, I saw my Greek friend
sobbing, and an American woman trying to assuage him, I do not think he recognised me as his bus
companion, Salim and I mixed with the passengers and distributed sweets to the children, Two old
ladies were consoling each other; one was saying she was "wet" and the other was telling her to
thank God for having arrived in Damascus alive, The Syrian authorities cleared the passengers
through customs and took them to hotels in Damascus. They released all of them with the exception
of six Israelis. One American woman was taken to hospital with a broken ankle. On September 3,
four Israelis were released; later the other two were exchanged for two Syrian air force pilots in
Israeli custody and a handful of imprisoned fighters. Salim and I were taken to police headquarters.

Although we had arrived at the airport to the cheers of the Syrian crowds, the Syrian officials were
not that friendly. An arrogant colonel started his investigation by demanding, "What do you think
you are?" "Soldiers, like you," I said. "No," he angrily replied, "you are a terrorist organisation.”
"Hey," I said, "am 1 in Israel or the Syrian Arab Republic, the advocate of revolutionary warfare
The colonel didn't like my tone of voice. "This action is not fedayeen-like. It is terrorism," he said.
"Look," I explained, "I am a soldier who carried out her assignment. If you wish to debate the

62

validity and legitimacy of our revolutionary strategy, we'll be happy to do it with you, but not in a
police station." "Where did you train?" "I will answer no further questions, since I already gave you
my name and told you what party I belong to."

The colonel ordered us to be held in dingy little rooms and gave us two blankets each. At about
cleven-thirty p.m., we were taken from our cells to the second floor for further interrogation. I gave
my name as Khaleda and they obviously knew it was false. The officer in charge was rather suave
and clever. He ordered his assistants to bring us dinner and proceeded to tell us how he strongly
identified with the Palestine revolution, 1 interrupted, "That is not the colonel's view." "What
colonel?" he said. "You should know," I answered.

The assistants brought food, and I declined it, declaring, "I won't eat until I am released." "Where
will you go if released?” he asked. "To my country, Palestine," I said. The officer enquired about
many things, and my answer was an emphatic "No comment" to every question. Late that night, 1
asked to go to the bathroom, and I was accompanied by a male policeman who was under orders to
search me before I went in. I dared him to touch me, and threatened to attack him and scream rape if
he did, He ignored the orders and took me back to my windowless cell. I asked the male guard to
buy me a packet of cigarettes; he refused, doling out one cigarette at a time for the remainder of the
night, Since I was unable to sleep, see anyone or talk, I kept the guard marching me back and forth
to the bathroom all night. I do not know who was more exhausted by morning. I continued that,
strategy for the next four nights,

On the moming of August 31, breakfast was brought in and I declined to eat again, announcing that
Iwas on a hunger strike. By then I hadn't had a good meal in three days and I was smoking very
heavily. I was also getting bored being in isolation but knowing full well that my comrades were
joyously celebrating my deed. Around noon, I twisted the edge of the rusty iron partition between
‘me and Salim and we started whispering to each other face to face. I told him about the "wet lady"
at the airport, and we laughed boisterously about it. The guard heard the noise and ran towards the
cell thinking I must have gone mad. He asked me to share the joke with him. I refused to say
anything. But when he realised that I was still sane, he looked around my cell, and found the hole.
He accused me of being a terrorist, and threatened dire consequences if I widened the hole. I dared
him, "Go and tell your superiors.”

‘That afternoon, another colonel came to visit us, but he was in civilian clothes. He was smoother
than his predecessors. He introduced himself as a Palestinian pilot with the Syrian air force from Al-
Nassera, "My name is Azzani," he said, "and I have just returned from the front bringing you the
revolutionary greetings of the fighters.” I said, "If you recognise us as revolutionaries, why are you
holding us in prison?” "Why are you on a hunger strike?" he asked, without answering my question.
I said, "Because I am being treated like a criminal, and I protest very strongly against these insulting
interrogations of intelligence officers like yourself.” He asked if I needed anything or any money. 1
replied proudly, "I have money and the only thing I want is departure from this Baath prison.” He
left without comment.

On September 1, I felt very weak and tired. Stomach ache, headache, general fatigue seemed to
have overtaken me. I began to feel dizzy, but I still refused to eat. That evening I fainted on my way
to the bathroom, and it took them a few minutes to revive me. The Syrians were very disturbed and
called in a doctor who tried to persuade me to eat some yoghourt or drink something other than
coffee. I insisted "No" and passed out again, All I remember after that was a nurse bathing my face,
and Salim carrying me to a hospital ambulance. I was not fully conscious until the morning of
September 2, when, with a sense of inner peace and self-fulfilment, I sat down in the hospital and
wrote a few notes, taking my inspiration from Che's immortal dictum: "We must grow tough, but
without ever losing our tenderness."

"What a beautiful passage, but more beautiful is the tradition of revolutionary tenderness. 1 am not

63

sure that I have practised that art effectively. Others will have to pass judgment on my deed, Lam
certain, though, that the capitalist press regarded my deed as an ‘outrage’ and urged their
governments to prosecute those criminals ruthlessly or to extradite them to other countries where
they could be prosecuted.

"Lam somewhere in Damascus. I was placed here after I carried out my mi
my revolutionary duty against the enemy.

ion. After I performed

"It was a momentous second in my life when I put my fingers on the trigger and ordered the enemy
to obey my command. All my life I dreamt of carrying arms to aim at the enemy-that vengeful
enemy who raped our land and has expropriated our homes without compensation,

"Oh Palestine! I am ready to die and I shall live by dying for thee!

"Oh my homeland! My love, my only love! I shall revolt against thine enemies, all enemies. I shall
make bombs from the atoms of my body and weave a new Palestine from the fabric of my soul.
With all my power and the power of my sisters, we shall convert our existence into bombs to
redeem the land, the coast, the mountain, We shall fight and fight

"Oh! I seem to be forgetting myself. I am writing as if I were a poet. Poetry is also part of our
armoury, but deeds are a sharper aspect of our weaponry.

"Oh God! When will the deprivation end? When will I return to my home-to embrace life in its
fullest? There in Haifa I shall live, for I feel choked here.

"L feel oversatiated for having beaten the CIA. And why not? Hadn't Salim Issawi and I hit at the
heart of America and its power? Let America give Israel all the weapons she requests. I am sure my
people shall live. I am in the observation tower and nothing frightens me. My people are being
steeled by struggle against the imperialist and Zionist enemies.

"remember the moment I entered the pilot's cabin and how he shivered before me. How the words
of surrender flowed from his lips: 'O.K., all right, I'l do whatever you want, Now tell me what to
do!

"He was stunned by my deed. 1am certain he cursed Israel and America a thousand times in the
silence of his heart. "What an exciting occasion to force every air tower, including that of Israel to
broadcast our slogans: ‘Popular Front, Free Arab Palestine.’

"The pilot was the first to shout our slogan. He said it with a quivering voice. He is a middle class
American who was taught to love himself more than anything else. I have no doubts that selfishness
is an American virtue that manifests itself when Americans are not acting collectively under a
victorious leadership. I remember how they fled from the Japanese and how they retreated like
sheep in the Far East. I don't think the pilot cared to sacrifice himself for America,

"What a splendid moment in my life when I flew over the homeland in an enemy plane. Oh, my
God! What a beautiful land, I felt like landing and dying at the hands of my enemy. To land, to melt
into the eternity of the land and to form part of the soil of Palestine ... But our revolutionary nobility
jpelled me to sacrifice my personal wishes for a union with the land in order to save the children
who committed no sin against me or my people. The passengers are not guilty of any crime, As for
our part, aren't we the friends of all peoples?

"Now I remember the moment I communicated with Cairo and conveyed our revolutionary
greetings to the Egyptian Arab people. The Cairo tower wanted to know where we were heading. I
told him Lydda. “Lord, no!" he said, “Yes, Lydda,’ I said, 'God! -and what are you going to do there?
"We are going for a visit, I said,

"Moments after I was in touch with the Lydda tower, which insisted on calling me TWA 840. I told
him sternly to shut up and refused to answer him until he addressed me: Popular Front, Free Arab

64

Palestine-exacting such concessions from a Zionist stooge was indeed an achievement.

"The Israelis thought that Salim and I were going to explode the plane and its passengers. What
fools! They must think we're a bunch of suicidal gangsters like their leaders.

"In Damascus we indeed exploded the cockpit of the imperialist plane as an expression of our
strategy, which aims at hitting the imperialist interests wherever they may be. The Popular Front
will destroy the treasonous enemy-the enemy of humanity, right and justice. Blessed be the arms
that carry out deeds and the revolutionary brains that conceive of deeds and plan them. We shall be
victorious.

"Sleep has fled from my eyes. I hear the cries of prisoners being tortured in Syrian dungeons. 1
cannot condone torture, no matter what the crime was. I hate to hear of a man crying in pain. I hate
the infliction of pain on any person, because I know what it is to feel pain - pain and anguish for the
loss of the homeland, for the loss of a whole people, the pain of my entire nation, Pain truly affects
my soul; so does the persecution of my people. It is from pain that I derive the power to resist and
to defend the persecuted,

"My people, my land, my Palestine! For thee I shall resist, for your honour I shall accept pain.”

Palestine, my love!

for you I shall fight

fight

and open the road

the road of return

victorious return

to all parents

to all lovers.

Today Iam a volcano

a revolutionary volcano

the Front-Volcano

the Front-revolution

Yes-the revolt of return

My Front is free

My Front to Palestine

paving the way to all,

to all my Arab people with guns,
cannons my Front acts

and with brain:

Yes, with brains we act, act, act! | reflected briefly, and wrote a note to my mother, to my mother
and to all mothers.

"To you, my dearest, I write these lines. Where are you? I see you only in my imagination ... you are
waiting for my return ... be patient, Mother ... I shail retum ... I see you, beloved, in the hands of
thine enemies ... 1 am choking ... on the verge of death, every time I imagine you

"Oh Lord, safeguard her and safeguard my people as you protected me. Safeguard them from the
persecution of the enemy. Blind the enemy whenever he tries to violate my domicile ... for my
Palestine is not only my mother .. she is my sister, friend and companion,

"Oh, how I long for Palestine, for my beloved, for my brothers and sisters in this little Syrian cage
where I feel physically bound and spiritually boundless and universal, for I have overcome the
particular and reached for the true good-the good of the oppressed.

"The feeling of being uprooted accompanies me everywhere, the feeling of being stateless, without

65

a homeland, is a feeling that can only be obliterated by the return! Oh, Lord, what a dreadful human

dilemma to be separated forcefully from one's own country!

"Yes, | feel unanchored ... for my land is raped ... it is under the hoofs of the Zionists
that have evicted my mother and other mothers and raped my true Mother Palestine.

"I swear by my revolution, by my humanity, that we shall return the Palestinians to their homes and

we shall recover our lost humanity!"

Yes, we have lost everything:

we have lost life and its meaning;
we have lost the humanity of man;
we are a people that lost its land;
and he who loses his land

loses his life-for land is

the source of life.

My beloved, I shall return on the
wings of eagles to you;

I shall return repeatedly to

spread terror in the heart of the enemy.
I shall flag the enemy;

I shall pulverise him.

And why not? How can I forget

the rage of the tempest that struck

my dear father ... a thousand greetings I send
to your soul, my father, and

the souls of Palestinian fathers in the beyond.
Tortured, you left Palestine and

uprooted you lived;

desire replaced health,

sadness joy, hatred love,

humiliation pride.

Father, rest assured I shall avenge your honour and
redeem your dignity

the honour and dignity of all martyrs !
By cannons, bullets, bayonets !

from the heavens we shall descend,
from the sea we shall come,

from Mount Carmel we shalll leap to the
heart of Haifa

My Front shall do this to

tend the wounded, succour the needy
and inspire the children of despair.

Mother, I can no longer keep my secret:
Lama lover of Palestine, and I have

no other love ..

‘Therefore remain firm and constant

unafraid my people face tyranny and oppression.

Be with me, my beloved, remember our martyrs,
remember the stolen lands.

66

Take all difficulties with steadfast revolutionary
violence!

For the path is long and steep

and the recovery of the homeland needs absolute
firmness,

Henceforth we shall not bend our heads.

The enemy may be strong ... but we are much stronger.
Our cause is right and just

and we have begun to believe in ourselves.

We no longer know fear.

Wait for me. Wait for victory.

We shall return!”

On September 3, I was shocked to hear that the Syrians had released four Israelis, while Salim and I
were still detained. I lashed out at the Syrians, threatening retaliation. The nurses tried to calm me,
explaining that the hospital was not a prison and urging me to eat if I wanted to be released quickly.
I promised to behave if they brought me newspapers and let me listen to the radio. They agreed and
I felt compensated for my fatigue when I heard a broadcast in which the story of the hijacking was
told according to the pilot. Moments later, the Commander-in-Chief of the Syrian armed forces,
General Mustafa Tlass, entered my room-my most distinguished visitor. The General said he
disapproved strongly of my deed and insinuated that I was a UAR agent who had brought the plane
to Syria to embarrass the Syrians and give President Nasser a propaganda boost.

[assured him that the Front was totally autonomous and took orders from no one. | raised the
of the released Israelis and he explained that I was "the guest, not the prisoner of Syria"

"L would rather not be anybody's guest, because I must return to my base to carry on with my
work," I said, and asked him to see if he could arrange a meeting for me with President Attassi. The
President was in Egypt for a meeting of the front-line states, he explained, and he didn't know when
he was coming back.

The General left, and Salim and I were moved to an apartment with four other people. We began to
realise that the more indignant we behaved, the more lenient and accommodating the Syrians
became, We demanded to know why we were being kept there and how long it was going to
continue. There was no reply. Around ten that evening, we were visited by Colonel Ali Zaza (he is
presently the Minister of the Interior under President Hafez Al-Assad), and got an inkling of what
was in store for us. Zaza came with two other men who identified themselves as Saiga commanders.
(Saiga is the Syrian-supported section of the resistance.) They were eager to talk. For the next four
hours we debated the whole history of the resistance, the role of Fateh, the Palestine National
Congress and its value, the nature of socialism, It became increasingly obvious that Saiga was a
branch of the Syrian Baath, and had no independent personality of its own. Although we agreed on
some points, we felt that, on the whole, the Baath of Attassi, Jedid and Makkous (the current ruling
triumvirate of Syria) believed in left-wing Baathism, not scientific socialism and dialectical
materialism.

By September 4, we must have become very fashionable and respectable. Four ladies of upper-class
appearance and attitudes came to visit us and presented me with a bouquet of flowers. Three
introduced themselves as representatives of the Syrian, Palestinian and Lebanese Union of Women,
and one as a member of Fateh, I looked at them with contempt and asked if their bouquet was a
fitting tribute to a living revolutionary who had accomplished her mission. They were taken aback,
One had the audacity to criticise the Front for the operation, calling it an attempt on our part to
eclipse the burning of the Al-Aksa mosque, an action which was gaining sympathy for the Arabs
and unifying the Moslem world behind one policy. (At one hurriedly called summit conference of

67

Arab states, Israel was held responsible for the burning of the mosque and accused of desecrating a
Moslem Shrine and attempting to Judaise it.)

explained that the Al-Aksa incident had occurred more than a week before our attack, and had no
relation to our action. Furthermore, | insisted, we did not strive for a unity based on religious
bigotry, but we were fighting for the unity of the antiimperialist forces. My congenial guests were
not impressed. They were upset that an “upstart” like myself could dare cast aspersions on their
idols. They walked out in a huff never to return to amuse me with their feminine slave passions and
fashions.

The evening of September 4 was a sad one for me. I learned of the death of a great revolutionary
leader, Ho Chi Minh, Ho's death struck me like lightning. I felt part of me had died. It was the same
feeling as when I heard about the assassination of Che. I knew Ho's principles would live, and that,
he was an old man who had lived a full life and helped liberate a substantial part of his homeland,
Yet I was sad and contemplated for an entire sleepless night the greatness of Ho and what we
Palestinians could leam from him and his example. The next morning, I sat down and wrote a
poem,

During a five-week period, from September 5 until October 11, Salim and I were held in three
different "guest houses" in Syria. The Syrians, I am certain, were not afraid of Salim or me. They
feared the Front and its heroic exploits. They must have remembered vividly how Dr. Habash,
whom they imprisoned in1968, was "kidnapped" with his Syrian guards by the Front from the most
guarded security prison in Syria,

The Syrians moved us around constantly in the hope of averting a similar "kidnapping". However,
our "kidnapping" was never contemplated because our continued imprisonment in Syria was
considered an effective indictment of a regime that proclaimed itself a revolutionary proponent of
people's wars and at the same time thwarted revolutionary operations. The Syrians considered
themselves somewhat accommodating as they fulfilled some of their "guests" desires.

They took us to the airport and allowed us to take some pictures of the Boeing 707. We also visited
a number of places in Damascus, including the hated symbol of our defeat, Bloodan Palace, from
whence had emanated the call of the Arab leadership to end the general strike of 1936-an action that
sealed the fate of Palestine and enabled the British and Zionists to wipe out the revolutionary cadres
of that era, We had to demand, threaten and fight in order to ameliorate the social conditions under
which we lived and the tight security that surrounded us. On three different occasions we had to go
on hunger strikes. We were permitted to see some visitors, but we had no freedom of movement nor
opportunity to communicate with associates. I felt lonely and confined. Salim was furious, and it
was hard for me to accept emotionally the fact that I was in an "Arab prison", although we had
considered the possibility before embarking on our mission. I seemed to have become self-centred;
yet I wanted to express my social concern-to reach for a loftier future. I turned to writing.

How miserable can one become

when one thinks only of oneself and no others.
How despondent can one become when one
imagines that one is the third pivot of the world;
How insipid life becomes when one remembers
that one's life is coming to an end.

Oh my soul, how I hate your

rebelliousness when all of me aches.Be merciful, my soul, for a moment.
Have I not been your obedient slave?

I feel a very strange feeling ... how childish!
long for love... love ... love

I shall resist this longing, but I am overcome

68

I shall hearken to the voice of love.
I shall embrace my beloved and sleep.
Tam in union with my humanity - with Palestine.

On October 11, 1969, Salim and I visited the then Syrian minister of defence (now President),
Hafez Al-Assad, We had spent forty-five days under house arrest, cut off from the world. I regarded
our stay in Damascus as an internment, Al-Assad adhered to the official policy of giving us
hospitality". When I persisted in calling myself a prisoner of the Syrian Baath, the minister
apologetically explained that his government was under external pressure either to extradite us or
put us on trial, Both alternatives, he said, were highly unpalatable. He expressed grudging
admiration for us, while insinuating that the operation was the work of Egyptian intelligence against
“revolutionary” Syria, the implication that provoked me to say that the wretched Arab intelligence
system was quite incapable of thinking of, let alone executing, such daring operations.

"Besides, Mr. Minister,” I asserted, "you should know that's false because Arab intelligence services
are well informed on the affairs of other Arab states.” Al-Assad then asked, "Why did you elect to
land in Syria?"-implying that our action was in retaliation for the Syrian detention of Dr. Habash,
the Secretary General of the Front. My reply was, "Principally for practical reasons. First, we were
short on fuel; and second, what difference did it make whether we landed in Egypt or Syria? Aren't
you both progressive Arab states?" The minister was not pleased with my stress on the word
"progressive".

I reminded him that Colonel Zaza had promised to obtain our release some time ago and to arrange
for an interview with President Attassi. Moreover, I declared, I didn't see any reasons why we
should be kept in this dungeon while the Israelis were set free. He was disturbed and said, "You are
fiee to go, Khaleda,” using the pseudonym I insisted on using while I was held in Syria. Within
minutes, Salim and I were ready to depart, AIAssad offered to put us up for a few more days.
"Thank you very much," I said, "forty-five days is more than I could take. See you on the battlefield
in Palestine next time.”

Salim went to Homs, Syria, to visit his parents for a short period. I retuned briefly to Lebanon and
learned that my brother Walid had been beaten up by the Lebanese gendarmes because of my role in
the hijacking. Then I left for Amman and resumed my work in Wahdat camp.

6 America in Jordan

WHILE MY PERSONAL BATTLE TO FREI HE PALESTINE people had been taking place the
Great Powers had been continuing their attempts to impose their peace solution on the Middle East

In order to try to implement the UN peace resolution 242, Secretary General U Thant designated Dr.
Jarring as his personal representative and the latter set up headquarters in Nicosia, Cyprus, in
December 1967. Jarring commuted to Cairo, Beirut, Tel Aviv and Amman and reported to U Thant
on his findings and progress. U Thant made periodic noncommital reports to the UN, the substance
of which was that Dr. Jarring should continue his mission and "pursue" further his efforts to
promote "agreement among the parties". Jarring continued his globe-trotting until April 9, 1969,
when his mission was "temporarily suspended” to give more elbow room to the Four Power
representatives, as the Israelis put it. The latter were finally reduced to bilateral negotiations under
which the United States and the Soviet Union would work out a settlement and decide to "impose"
it on both belligerents under UN auspices. The question of denying our existence was moved from

69

the corridors of the UN and multilateral diplomacy to the realm of the great power relations where
universal strategic interests preceded our concerns and pethaps even those of the Israelis. The Arab
leadership favoured the "imposed solution” because they felt they could more easily justify it on the
grounds that they couldn't violate the wishes of the great powers and were not able to resist the
whole world single-handedly. Israel felt that these Four Power negotiations were prejudicial. In the
first place, Israel had no control over the talks. Secondly, the Israelis felt they were "weighted
against Israel" because two powers, namely the Soviet Union and France, were "hostile" to the
Israeli position, But all the parties associated with the Middle East conflict intended the year 1969
as the year of solving the "Arab-Israeli conflict" before the guerrillas became too dangerous an
alternative to both the Arab regimes and to Israel, To placate the Palestinians, balloons regarding a
Palestinian entity were floated, and Israel and America looked desperately for credible buyers in the
occupied territories and elsewhere. None was available.

‘As the resistance developed into a formidable force and became a magnet to the Arab masses, and
as the "impasse" at the UN and Great Power talks intensified, the Four Power discussions were
replaced by bilateral negotiations, then by unilateral initiatives, with the Soviets and the Americans
continuing to compete publicly for the favours of their respective clients, It was finally agreed that
the US would try to act unilaterally as the mediator with tacit Soviet and Arab approval. With this
understanding in mind, the Rogers proposals were put forward on December 9, 1969.

Rogers pointed out that "there was an upsurge of hope that a lasting peace would be achieved" after
the third Arab-Israeli war in nineteen years. "That hope has unfortunately not been realised," he
declared. But because the Middle East "could easily again be the source of another serious
conflagration", the US felt it incumbent upon itself to try and avert war by interposing itself as an
intermediary to help the parties to the conflict "overcome their legacy of suspicion" and "to achieve
a political settlement", Rogers contended that the US consulted "directly with the Soviet Union,
hoping to achieve as wide an area of agreement as possible between us". The decision of the US to
act in such a capacity, Rogers said, was made "in full recognition" of four important factors

First, we knew that nations not directly involved could not make a durable peace for the peoples and
governments involved, Peace rests with the parties to the conflict. The efforts of major powers can
help; they can provide a catalyst; they can stimulate the parties to talk; they can encourage; they can
help define a realistic framework or agreement; but an agreement among other powers cannot be a
substitute for agreement among the parties themselves.

Second, we knew that a durable peace must meet the legitimate concerns of both sides,

Third, we were clear that the only framework for a negotiated settlement was one in accordance

with the entire text of the UN Security Council resolution, That resolution was agreed upon after
long and arduous negotiations; it is carefully balanced; it provides the basis for a just and lasting
peace-a final settlement-not merely an interlude between wars.

Fourth, we believed that a protracted period of war, no peace, recurrent violence, and sprea
chaos would serve the interests of no nation, in or out of the Middle East.

ing

Rogers appealed to the Arabs "to accept a permanent peace based on a binding agreement” and he
urged the Israelis "to withdraw from occupied territory when their territorial integrity is assured as
envisaged by the Security Council resolution". He saw the major issues as peace, security,
withdrawal and territory. To establish a state of peace, belligerency has to be renounced and
"conditions and obligations of peace must be specifically defined, Respect for mutual sovereignty
and obligations must also be specified." Moreover, Rogers insisted that "a peace agreement between
the parties must be based on stated intentions and a willingness to bring about basic changes in the
attitudes and conditions which are characteristic of the Middle East today". To guarantee the peace
further there "should be demilitarised zones and related security arrangements" worked out between

70

the parties with the help of Jarring. Rogers pointed out the need for "secure and recognised
boundaries" and suggested that the demarcation line "should not reflect the weight of conquest and
should be confined to insubstantial alterations required for mutual security". On the question of
"refugees", he merely acknowledged the fact of the "new consciousness among the young
Palestinians” whose aspirations and desires need to be "channelled away from bitterness and
frustration toward hope and justice". Jerusalem, he said, should be a "unified city" with access to all
persons, faiths, and nationalities. As to its administration, Rogers proposed "roles for both Israel and
Jordan in the civic, economic and religious life of the city". On the issue of a separate peace
between Israel and Egypt, Rogers admitted that in meetings with the Soviet Union a new Formula
had been worked out consisting of three principal elements:

First, there should be a binding commitment by Israel and the United Arab Republic to peace with
each other, with all the specific obligations of peace spelled out, including the obligation to prevent
hostile acts originating from their respective territories.

Second, the detailed provisions of peace relating to security safeguards on the ground should be
worked out between the parties, under Ambassador Jarring’s auspices, utilising the procedures
followed in negotiating the armistice agreement under Ralph Bunche in 1949 at Rhodes.

So far as a settlement between Israel and the United Arab Republic goes, these safeguards relate
primarily to the area of Sharm-el-Sheik controlling access to the Gulf of Aqaba, the need for
demilitarised zones as foreseen, in the Security Council resolution, and final arrangements in the
Gaza Strip

Third, in the context of peace and agreement on specific security safeguards, withdrawal of Israeli
forces from Egyptian territory would be required.

The Rogers speech aroused concer and suspicion in Israel, Prime Minister Golda Meir denounced
the plan as "a grave danger to our very security". Foreign Minister Eban said it "marred prospects
for peace". In America, Hubert Humphrey, the presidential hopeful, declared the proposals
sacrificed Israel's interests and friendship. But a New York Times editorial (December 11, 1969)
stated that Rogers' statement was "forthright", sounded "a clear call to reason and fair play", and
"honestly pointed the way to a reasonable compromise, the only alternative to a new conflict that
neither the nations directly concerned nor the great powers that are perilously involved can afford to
risk"

Since Israel dubbed the Rogers proposal as "Arab appeasement", it unleashed the Zionist Movement
America to agitate against the proposals, and try to extract concessions from the government or
coerce Rogers into retracting on such substantive points as "insubstantial alteration" of borders and
a "civic" role for Jordan in Jerusalem, To that end, twenty-four Zionist organisations in America
assembled in Washington on January 25, 1970, called ostensibly at the behest of the Conference of
Presidents of Major American Jewish Organisations, to express "deep concer and apprehension”
over recent US policy statements on the Middle East, Under this onslaught Nixon caved in, He not
only sent a message to the conference reiterating the American stance of absolute support to Israel,
but also dispatched his personal friend and representative, the Zionist Jewish industrialist, Max
Fisher of Detroit, the chairman of the Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Fund, to read the
message to the Zionists. Mr. Fisher told the more than one thousand Jewish community and
organisation leaders that "America stands by its friends. Israel is one of its friends." And he went on
to say that the president was "prepared to supply military equipment necessary to support the efforts
of friendly governments, like Israel's, to defend the safety of their people". More specifically, the
message noted that "the prospects for peace are enhanced as the governments in the area are
confident that their borders and their people are secure". Furthermore, the message stressed that
peace could only come to the Middle East after "negotiated agreement between Israel and the Arab
States", Dr. William Wexler, chairman of the Conference and president of B'nai B'rith was disarmed

a

and pleased, He backslid on his "apprehension and concern" and commented: "It [the message]
shows that the president understands and shares our concerns, It indicates that he wants no further
erosion in American policy." Wexler concluded by saying that "the Jewish community's
disagreement with the State Department was not over motivations or intentions but over tactics",
The Zionists did it again, They got an additional twenty-four Phantom planes to the fifty already
delivered in 1968. Rogers was on the defensive and there was no comparable Arab lobby to counter
Zionist power.

Meanwhile, on December 18, 1969, the US "draft" proposal on a "separate peace” between Israel
and Jordan with complete guidelines was communicated to both parties after consultations with the
great powers. In considering the American proposals, one must keep in mind two facts: that Syria,
whose Golan Heights are under Israeli occupation, is specifically excluded for the big-power
discussions; that Jordan is under obligation to crush the resistance movement before the proposals
are carried out. Here is a summary of eleven points of the ten-page US document

Point 1: The parties would determine procedures and a timetable for withdrawal of Israeli troops
from substantially all Jordanian territory occupied in the 1967 war.

Point 2: Each country will accept the obligations of a state of peace between them including
prohibiting any acts of violence from its territory against the other. This would commit Jordan to the
prevention of guerrilla raids.

Point 3: The two countries would agree upon a permanent frontier between them, “approximating”
to the armistice line before the 1967 war, but allowing for alterations based on practical security
requirements and "administrative or economic convenience".

Point 4: Israel and Jordan would settle the problem of ultimate control over Jerusalem, recognising
that the city should be unified, with free traffic through all parts of it, and with both countries
sharing in civic and economic responsibilities of city government.

Point 5: Jordan and Israel would participate in working out final arrangements for the
administration of the long unsettled Gaza Strip, on the basis of a parallel accord to be reached by
Israel and Egypt.

Point 6: The two countries would negotiate practical security arrangements, including the
delineation of demilitarised zones, on Jordan's West Bank, to take effect with the Israeli withdrawa

Point 7: Jordan would affirm that the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba are international
waterways, open to shipping of all countries, specifically including Israel.

Point 8; This point explains the refugee settlement and notes that the UN's Dr. Gunnar Jarring could
establish an international commission to determine the choice of each refugee on returning to Israel,
Since the procedures would undoubtedly be lengthy, the American proposal states that the rest of
the package could go into effect before the refugee procedures were carried out.

Point 9: The two countries would enter a mutual agreement formally recognising each other's
sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and right to live in peace.

Point 10: The total accord would be recorded in a signed document to be deposited with the United
Nations, From then on, any breach of any provision could entitle the other country to suspend its
obligations until the situation had been corrected.

Point 11: The completed accord would be "endorsed" by the UN Security Council, and the Big Four
powers-Britain, France, the United States and the Soviet Union-would "concert their future efforts"
to help all parties abide by the provisions of the peace.

Finally, the United States notes that an Israeli Jordanian peace would take effect only with a
simultaneous accord between Israel and Egypt, a point stressed by US officials to rebut Arab

2

charges that the peace-making effort is aiming to split the Arab world.

I believe the documentary evidence clearly illustrates America's grand design for the Middle East:
America looks forward to a permanent Israel, to a neutralised Soviet influence in the area, to
continued American predominance, and to a weak and divided Arab world based on personal
rivalries and led by military dictatorships or traditional monarchs, Furthermore, the proposals
submitted by America for the purpose of achieving a "durable peace” postulate a non-Palestinian
sovereignty, but America would accede to a Palestinian province under either Jordan or Israel or the
joint trusteeship of both. Denunciations, protestations, charges and counter-charges against these
proposals by Arab governments, Israel or the Soviet Union were in my judgment just part of the
overall deception on the part of the participants to carry out the proposals at the expense of the Arab
‘masses in general and the Palestinian people in particular. The problem remained of how Egypt and
Israel would view the arrangement and each maintain its presumed "superiority" and how the
superpowers would respond to the demand of their client. It is true, that an all-out conflict in the
region could "drag" in the great powers, but if both have an a priori accord not to intervene and to
confront each other at the regional level, then whatever struggle is waged by mistake or calculation
would not escalate into an all-engulfing war, Therefore there is ample room for manoeuvring by all
concerned.

It is only in this context that Israel's attempt to topple Nasser in the autumn of 1969 and winter of
1970 can be understood. The great powers supposedly counselled restraint, but the Israelis were
bent on overthrowing Nasser as the only obstacle to the kind of "peace" they desired. Finally, the
Russians supported Egypt with missiles, which forced the Israelis to cease their deep penetration
forays into Egypt, but handed them a big propaganda stick to beat the Americans with and demand
that the Russian weaponry be matched in order to maintain the "balance of power", in favour of
Israel. The Americans, never bashful about endorsing Zionism and its claims, joined a well
orchestrated, world-wide Zionist campaign that argued that thousands of Soviet technicians and
pilots had taken over everything in Egypt's military apparatus from military training to manning the
Sam missiles to flying combat missions against the Israelis. Moreover, the latter let it be known that
they were prepared to take on the Russians and their Arab allies. But the Soviets not only refused to
provide Egypt with the needed offensive capability to liberate the occupied territories, but declined
to supply her with adequate defensive capability with which to safeguard the ridiculous st
positions the Egyptians maintained in the open desert on the advice of the Russians. As to the
contention that the Egyptians were preparing an amphibious assault to cross the Suez Canal, it
turned out to be a propaganda hoax concocted by the State Department and the Zionists to justify
more American military and economic aid to Israel. At no time did the Egyptians ever constitute a
threat to Israeli air power or contemplate crossing the Canal. All they sought was the limited
objective of preventing the Israelis from roaming UAR skies at will. This, of course, didn't please
Moshe Dayan and his American sponsors. Nasser's entire strategy was based on the retention of
power, not the liberation of occupied territory as his so-called "war of attrition” advocates
proclaimed so vociferously. But surprisingly enough, he always stated that Palestine could only be
liberated by force of arms. He nevertheless was reconciled to a Zionist-controlled Palestine based
on June 4, 1967 borders. As a proponent of the "political solution” he never deviated from that
stance, except to make periodic bombastic speeches for Arab home consumption, Thus while
diplomatists held secret sessions, chancelleries exchanged aide memoires and foreign ministers
roved the world in search of peace "based on justice", Hussein as a sign of goodwill towards his
Western friends, moved to the implementation phase of the Rogers proposals regarding an Israeli
Jordanian peace: the planned elimination of the resistance,

While these political machinations were going on, I was on a three-month tour of the Arab Gulf and
Iraq with a team of revolutionary stalwarts-Salah Salah, the Palestinian labour leader and graduate
of Syrian prisons for his Pan-Arabist political work; Rashida Obeida, the much-feared female

2B

underground fighter from the occupied territories; Salim Issawi of the TWA fame; and Talat, the
revolutionary who for thirteen years had terrorised the Zionists of Europe. The purpose of the tour
‘was to spread revolutionary propaganda as well as collect funds for the Front. It was a tremendous
sucess. We not only reached and communicated with the Arab masses, but we learned a good deal
about their concerns, especially their desire to oust the British from the Arab Gulf and to stop
encroaching Yankee neocolonialism in the area. It was the poor, the workers and peasants who
received us and showered us with gifts, not the oil-kings or the political advisers of the local
"bandits". We returned to Amman in early February, to the vortex of counter-revolutionary
conspiracy.

King Hussein had just arrived from Cairo after extensive consultation with the front-line states. He
appeared to be in a belligerent state of mind as he made some strong statements threatening dire
consequences if the Israelis did not carry out resolution 242. Yet, he immediately promulgated
several restrictive decrees which, in effect, banished the resistance from the cities, closed down its
newspapers and banned its public assemblies. A showdown was inevitable. First of all, we decided
to break the siege that Hussein had imposed on the cities. Each sector of the resistance took the
necessary countermeasures. I was assigned to go to Schular camp near Zarga, to give public lectures
against Hussein's decrees and to explain to our masses that Hussein's actions could not be separated
from those of the US and Israel. Other comrades carried the Front's political line to all the camps in
Jordan, Hussein retaliated by shutting off the camps’ water and electricity - a deed he was going to
repeat in September with devastating effects on the poor, We challenged his position and called for
demonstrations throughout Jordan, His goons tried to disrupt our public meetings and stir up riots,
but most of them met revolutionary justice. Tension was rapidly mounting as I returned to Amman
and was ordered to go and give another public lecture at Jabel Al-Taj school. When I arrived with a
few comrades, we discovered that the audience had been dispersed by Hussein's troops and the air
bristled with the sound of machine guns. The Front's local Commander advised us to go back to
‘Wahdat camp until further notice. We did without question,

On the eve of February 10, I was saddled by the presence of my fiance's sister, Samirah, who had
just come from Baghdad to visit Bassim and ascertain for the family if I were worthy of becoming
their daughter-in-law. Bassim and I had got engaged earlier with the approval of the Front, Neither
family was consulted before the announcement.

Samirah had had no military training and I had no place to keep her at a safe distance from the
battle front. I was worried about her. In a blunt Iragi manner, she eased my fears: "Leila, I will do
whatever you ask of me. I, too, am an Arab and I want to fight.” Happily, I said, "All right, come
with me to Jabel Amman to deliver some messages." I picked up a gun and a hand grenade and took
a taxi, As we climbed uphill, we saw a burning military jeep and heard exchanges of gun-fire. Some
brothers from Fateh stopped us and warned us it was too dangerous to go any further. The driver
ordered us out of his taxi saying he wasn't ready to die. I tried to persuade him to continue. He
didn't yield. Samirah was infuriated. She denounced him as a shameless coward. The poor fellow
said he had eight children to support and left us after refusing to accept the fare, The brothers from
Fateh reported that the whole area was aflame and people were being evacuated. One of them
recognised me and said the battle had already started, "Get back to Wahdat camp, Leila.” I showed
m the grenade and assured him I was ready to fight. He grinned and said, "Come with me, let's
phone the military bureau and tell them that all signs indicate that Hussein is about to launch a
murderous attack against us." We did. Then Samirah and I returned to Wahdat camp to report on
developments. Upon our arrival Dr, Habash ordered us to prepare petrol bombs to use against
Hussein's soldiers. I went to the nearest petrol station to purchase some petrol. The attendant said I
could have all the petrol I wanted and refused to accept a single fils for it, We spent practically the
whole night making bombs and distributing them among our guerrillas, Since the Front had no
weapons’ supplier, we had to rely on our own resources and on weapons we captured from the

14

enemy. Comrade Nadia, a lady squad commander recently appointed to the region, discovered that
we were low on ammunition and weapons and, without informing anyone, led her squad in five
military operations on Jordanian police stations, netting over eighty weapons and hundreds of
rounds of ammunition without a single casualty. At midnight comrade Soulafah and I volunteered to
{g0 to Jabel Amman to inspect our positions and get first-hand reports on Hussein's moves. The
leadership agreed, on the condition that we travelled in civilian clothes. Before we left, however, we
insisted that Dr. Habash be placed in a more secure place, elsewhere in Amman. He objected
strongly, "Why should I live if you Soulafah and Leila are prepared to die for the cause?" We left
silently and returned to Wahdat camp very late that night.

No sooner had we fallen asleep when we were awakened by the music of sub-machine guns and the
roar of Hussein's artillery. Each fighter immediately assumed his or her assigned task. I had to go to
the mosque with comrade Waddad to start broadcasting the battlefield news and urge our masses to
rally to the defence of the revolution.

February 10, 1970, was the first massive attack on the resistance since November of 1968. The
battle raged on all day, but Hussein's troops were unable to break through our impregnable
positions. Amman was under fire from all directions but the resistance stood up to Hussein
fearlessly and he was forced to back down after the first full day of fighting. Sporadic fighting
continued for about a week, however, and hundreds of people were killed and maimed. The
resistance sustained a number of grievous losses. The Front suffered the loss of Abu Talaat, one of
our most courageous commanders. Abu Talaat's assassination by Hussein intelligence services
saddened the whole resistance movement and strengthened our resolve to fight against the
Hashemite despot. Abu Talaat was given a hero's funeral. Thousands accompanied his cortege to the
cemetery. As we bid him goodbye, Ramzia, wife of Abdul Mohsen Hassan, a martyr killed by the
Israelis in Zurich, Switzerland, delivered a brief, moving oration, without shedding a tear:

Abu Talaat you live, Three children survive you. Abdul Mohsen left me with nine. Both of you left
‘twelve guerrillas for Palestine to carry on the torch of her freedom. I assure you we shall recover the
land for which you died at the hands of dastardly criminals. Fallen hero, we salute you. You died in
battle wearing your boots. You set an example to the Palestinians and all oppressed everywhere.
May your kind multiply a thousand fold. Embrace the earth whence you came and melt into the
eternity of Palestine so that her soil may be further nourished by the blood of martyrs and heroes.
You live because the revolution will live.

Hussein's barbaric onslaught against the resistance forced its various contingents to make a
preliminary attempt at unifying its ranks. Thus the Unified Command was born in the midst of
streams of blood and under the chains of Hussein's US-supplied tanks. However, no concrete
revolutionary strategy was agreed upon and no united action was attempted although many
comrades were killed or wounded because of the lack of concerted action. By May 6, the resistance
nominally adopted the strategy of the Front in order to stave off the multilateral plot that was being
engineered to destroy the resistance. Meanwhile, Hussein saw the writing on the wall, He rescinded
his decrees in a "magnanimous" gesture of "Arab solidarity” and explained the reaction of the
resistance to his decree as "a misunderstanding". His Western apologists explained Hussein's
"statesmanship” as a means to avert a civil war, "to head off a bloodbath", because he did not want
to be “a hated prisoner in his palace" and because "It does not seem in Hussein's character, nor to be
in his concept of kingship, to contemplate such a state of affairs.” (London Observer, February 17,
1970). Nevertheless, it was admitted that Hussein had been urged for months by the US embassy in
Amman to "have it out" with the Palestinians.

In February 1970, the subterranean currents in Jordan became clear to even the casual observer.
Unfortunately many intelligent people refused to believe their eyes let alone take any action, The
‘two irreconcilable forces that held dual authority in Amman indeed had to "have it out". The

15

question was when? Hussein deferred a showdown for two reasons. Fateh and generally the Arab
masses still believed in the myth of Arab brotherhood and were prepared to co-exist with him. He
still regarded the resistance as a valuable tool with which to bludgeon the United States and Israel in
order to obtain more concessions for the time being and a more favourable peace accord when the
time came.

Intermittent fighting occurred between the resistance and American henchmen in Amman, Joseph
Sisco, the Assistant Secretary for Middle Eastern affairs, visited Jordan in mid-April. The masses
gave a thunderous "No" to America's "peace" plans, But neither America nor Hussein was prepared
to relent, The well-planned conspiracy was slowly unfolding as Hussein's special security squads
(SSS) roamed the streets of major cities and provoked the resistance. As the Arab front-line states
inched closer to "peace" with Israel, and their media focused on the shortcomings of the resistance,
Jordan's hirelings were openly flouting Jordanian laws, causing chaos and trying to provoke a civil
war between Palestinians and Jordanians, The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine foresaw
the implications of such a policy which exploited the major weakness of the resistance - a weakness
brought about by Fateh’s right-wing leadership - and immediately launched a counter-offensive
calling on all citizens to unite under one banner. The PF seized the initiative by capturing strategic
areas in Amman, and took the First Secretary of the American embassy as a hostage, to isolate and
expose the corrupt elements that stood behind Hussein and his CIA "advisers", Under pressure from
the resistance we released him, but the counter-revolutionary violence intensified rather than
diminished, contrary to the resistance’s expectations. The PF moved in and occupied the
Philadelphia and Intercontinental Hotels and took alll foreigners hostage. Hussein was savagely
shelling the camps of "his subjects", under the pretext that an assassination attempt had been made
on his life, but stopped when he discovered we meant business. Fighting raged for a week. More
than one thousand people were sacrificed in honour of Hussein's throne, yet by an ironic twist of
fate a cease-fire was arranged and joint committees representing Hussein and the guerrillas were set
up to supervise the "truce". The massacre, in the best American tradition of explaining conspiracies
away, was finally blamed on the anger of a single, isolated person, General Zeid Bin Shaker, whose
sister was allegedly killed by a guerrilla prior to the start of fighting. Both he and Sharif Nassir, the
iigned” their generalships and Hussein assumed sole command of "his" armed

forces.

The events of June showed that Fateh had not learned its lesson. We missed the opportunity to
depose Hussein when we had the confidence of the people and the power to defeat his fragmented
forces. Between June and September, Hussein consolidated his forces, purged wavering elements
and eliminated all potentially disloyal Palestinians in the higher echelons of his armed forces. Fateh
as "the largest" commando organisation was faltering and vacillating, During June, it became clear
to all that the "backbone" of the resistance was not leading, but following the masses. The Popular
Front, needless to say, took the initiative and forced the other groups in the resistance to follow its
lead, Well-thought-out strategy and imaginative leadership held sway. The Popular Front was
progressively becoming the new alternative, the new magnet of the oppressed, the vanguard of the
Arab social revolution. Arab "reactionary" and "progressive" regimes began to distinguish between
“honest” revolutionaries (Fateh) and "Terrorist" revolutionaries with "imported ideologies” (the
Popular Front), Hussein insolently declared that it was the Front's behaviour, not his criminal
bombardment of defenceless "refugee" camps that shamed the Arab people. The masses were not
deceived; they knew who the enemy was and applauded our action when we valiantly defended our
fortresses in the camps with courage and without compromise on the negotiation table, The Front
and its deed became synonymous. Everyone knew we were deadly serious revolutionaries, not
“revolutionaries” seeking a "peaceful, political solution” by diplomatic means and using the fighting
as a side show to demonstrate that we could cause trouble. The masses were for liberation, not
capitulation; they rallied behind their Front as the exponent of the doctrine of people's war and

16

protracted armed struggle.

The line of demarcation between enemy and friend of the people became even sharper in the spring
of 1970. The masses knew that Hussein and the Arab reactionaries were an integral part of the
enemy camp. What the masses had been indoctrinated into believing was that the Arab
"progressives" stood for liberation and the nationalist, pan-Arabist wave of the revolution - a wave
that challenged imperialism, Zionism, Arab reaction. In that fateful spring, the "progressives'
unmasked themselves as they emitted "peace" gestures to Washington and Tel Aviv, with Moscow's
approval. By September 1970, their "peace" strategy and attempts to liquidate the resistance were
clearly evident. By July 1971, they became abundantly clear as Sadat ditched Nasserism and
unleashed "a war of attrition" against the Popular Front from the august halls of Cairo University,

In his May Day 1970 speech Nasser stated that the opportunity for an Arab-American
rapprochement was rapidly fading. Instead of the usual abuse directed against the United States, he
said that America was one-sided and biased in favour of Israel. Then Nasser invited America to
repair its relations with the Arabs on the basis of Scranton's "evenhandedness" of December 1968 -
clearly an invitation to America, the Zionists’ accomplice, to act as an intermediary in the Arab-
Israeli conflict. Nasser thought he was putting America on the defensive: he was in for a surprise
when Rogers answered him affirmatively on June 19. Rogers resuscitated the old doctrine of "peace
based on justice". Diplomatic flirtation was carried on for a month. Then came Nasser's historic
bombshell: on July 23, 1970, on the eighteenth anniversary of the revolution, he accepted the
Rogers proposals for peace in the Middle East. Nasser agreed not just to "peace" with Israel as a
long-term objective, but also to the cessation of the "war of attrition", an "arms freeze", and Israel's
non-withdrawal from occupied territories prior to negotiations.

Nasser's "brilliant diplomatic tactic" as his confidant, Mohammed Hassanein Heikal labelled it, sent
a shock wave through Arab revolutionary ranks, The "contradictions" of Zionist society as Nasser
had foreseen came to the open, Gahel, the right-wing party quit the "national coalition” when Israel
accepted the cease-fire. The Arab states, with the exception of Iraq and Algeria, gave verbal support
to Nasser’s "peace offensive". Journalists hailed Nasser’s statesmanship. The Palestinians, the
worshippers of Nasser in Amman and in occupied Jerusalem and major West bank cities, went
through the streets shouting: "Nasser is a coward; Nasser is a traitor.” Nasser's image was tarnished,
but he remained the idol of the masses. However, when he expelled Palestinian students from
Egyptian universities, closed down Fateh's broadcasting station, and ordered his allies in the
resistance to support his position publicly and to try to eliminate the Popular Front, Nasser's stock
plummeted. If he was not completely exposed as a Yankee collaborator, his actions created gnawing
doubts in the minds of his erstwhile admirers. The die was cast. The revolutionary embryo wa
alone; the Russians, the Yankees, the Arab ruling cliques and the Zionists were united for the
purpose of aborting the foetus of hope!

In his July 23 speech, President Nasser proclaimed Egypt's aims: Israeli withdrawal from all
occupied Arab territory and recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestine people. "We do not
‘want war for war's sake," he said. "We want to liberate our land; we want the rights of Palestine
people. We have accepted the American proposals presented by Secretary of State William Rogers;
we do not see anything new in them; we have accepted them in the past. It is Israel who rejects
them, Israel drops one thousand tons of bombs on us. Yet, when modem Soviet weapons arrived in
Egypt a full attack was made and no American newspaper mentioned that Israel has seventy-two
missile bases for defence. What does this mean? Does it mean we have no right to defend ourselves
when Israel has such a right, and a right to attack us?" The crucial implication of Nasser's stance-the
destruction of the resistance movement as a precondition to peace-was not admitted, Nasser insisted
that Egypt had a right to sue for peace and the Palestinians had a right to fight for the liberation of
their country: two contradictory rights. Nasser’s decision to accept the Rogers proposals had a
demoralising effect on the Arab world and a devastating impact on the resistance, notwithstanding

7

‘Ad-Ahram reports to the contrary. Within two weeks of the ill-conceived pronouncement, a "cease-
fire" order was issued and begun on August 7, 1970. The expected co-existence between Zionist and
Arab did not materialise. The resistance was the main obstacle; it had to be crushed before the elder
statesmen of Zionism and Arabism marched hand in hand to the altar of Solomon's temple and
Omar's mosque. Joint efforts to contain the resistance were mounted: funds stopped pouring into
Fateh's coffers; a worldwide propaganda war against the resistance was declared; the movement of
resistance groups across frontiers was carefully monitored and gravely curtailed in strategic areas
within Jordan. Hussein, with Arab silence-therefore, approval-immediately launched his systematic
liquidation campaign against "honest and terroristic” revolutionaries without distinction.

It was hoped that this latest campaign would be the final assault before the reign of peace descended
on the Middle East. The Front waited long enough to let every Arab leader, every friend and foe
show his hand. Some Arab leaders denounced Hussein's policies; others silently wrung their hands;
most applauded his stand on "law and order”. Then the Front decided to implement its offensive
strategy. The resistance as a whole should have taken the offensive, but it didn't.

My comrades and I were on our way to Europe to declare international war against the concerted
attempts of the superpowers, Zionism, and the Arab states to smash the Arab social revolution and
thereby the revolution of the Third World and the oppressed everywhere on this globe. I went to
Frankfurt in the full knowledge that we, the Palestinians, the children of despair and now of
revolution, were carrying the torch of freedom and human liberation on behalf of humanity: if we
failed, America would have succeeded in reversing the tide of the world revolution, with the notable
exception of Vietnam, Our minimum objective was the inscription of the name of Palestine on the
memory of mankind and on the mind of every self-respecting libertarian who believes in the right
of the subjugated to self-determination, Furthermore, we hoped to arrest the Fascist terror in Jordan
and reveal the contradictions of Arab society, We were out to strike at the heart of the oppressor.

7 We Speak for a Lost Humanity

The Popular Front in its manifold institutions is a miniature of the Arab world we hope to build.
Each member must therefore learn to serve the common good and do his utmost to help the Front
attain the liberation of the Arab man and his Zionist foe.

George El-Bekaai

‘THE PRINCIPAL FUNCTIONS OF EVERY MEMBER IN THE Popular Front are politically-
orientated military activities, the spreading of revolutionary propaganda and fund-raising. While
these functions are often closely associated, none the less each comrade specialises in the area to
which his or her talents are best suited. But the party requires that each one of us has a good grasp
of the ideology and strategy; that we be prepared to undertake military operations in the occupied
territories or in foreign lands; that we always be willing to live and work with the masses; that each
must help collect funds in a variety of ways from selling the Front’s theoretical journal, Al-Hadaf, to
raising money from European and American friends and supporters.

In my capacity as a soldier, I was selected to carry out foreign operations. Unfortunately, however,
my identity had been revealed by the Syrian authorities in 1969 when comrade Salim Issawi and I
landed the TWA 840 in Damascus. If the Syrians had not interfered I would have remained one of
the hundreds of anonymous soldiers at the Front, Thanks to Zionist hysteria, my name and
photograph have probably appeared in every paper in the West, if not the entire world, But the wide

18

publicity did not prove an effective means of ending my career as a revolutionary. I was not out of
the picture yet. While many members of the Front thought that I was working in Inbid in the spring
and summer of 1970, and my family thought that I was still in Egypt, I was in fact training to
commander an El-Al plane. Details of the training must still remain secret. After the first hijacking
I was elected to the central committee of the Front, a position that has not diminished but increased
my obligations. In the Front the higher one ascends in its organisational hierarchy, the more
responsibilities one has to assume. There are none of those celebrities in the Front who perform
innocuous bureaucratic functions and are surrounded by kowtowing assistants.

In early March 1970, I left Amman for an undisclosed destination where I underwent three plastic
surgery operations so that I could continue our planned military operations. It was difficult at first,
to find a doctor ready to put his medicine at the service of the revolution. After extensive searches a
physician was found who was anxious to help, but he couldn't understand why a prospective
husband would want to see his wife's face “disfigured” before he'd marry her. "He must be nuts,"
the good doctor insisted. "Nuts," we agreed, but "Please operate,” we said, The doctor shook his
head, booked an obstetrics hospital and reached for his "syslestics". It was March 13, 1970, when
the first "face-twisting” was performed. It was extremely painful, Since I refused a general
anaesthetic, I could see as well as feel the thrust of the needles. I suppose people in the West will
conclude that I must be a masochist, but I assure them that [ am not: I have a cause higher and
nobler than my own, a cause to which all private interests and concerns must be subordinated, Here
then I lay on the operating table while my comrades were being tortured, my sisters being raped and
my land pillaged.

For twenty days after the first operation I had to live on liquids. I felt terribly weak. Since the
operation was a secret which less than a half dozen people knew about, I languished in the hospital
with no visitors to break the boredom. I spent my days watching the comings and goings in the
maternity ward across the hall. To complicate matters, my nurse spoke neither Arabic nor English.
She was an Armenian and we could communicate only by sign language, a situation which didn't
help my painful face. Happily no one in the hospital recognised me, But one day when I was calling
for a nurse, a man who was visiting his wife in the room next door walked in to help. He recognised
me and called me by my first name. I denied that I was Leila. He didn't believe me. When I left the
hospital I gave his new daughter a necklace made of bullets and wished her a long, long.
revolutionary career.

Zero hour was approaching rapidly, yet more surgery was required to complete my "beauty
treatment”, Two more operations were performed, the last a few days before the scheduled
hijacking. Most of my comrades were already in Europe waiting to meet me. Suddenly word came
through that everything must be postponed to avoid confrontation with Jordan. I was a little
disappointed, but not disheartened.

The Israelis and their allies however, were a vigilant and sleepless enemy. I had been released from
the hospital. It was July 11, 1970, at two-fifteen a.m. and I was sitting in Dr, Wadi Haddad’
apartment and we were discussing strategy. His wife and child were asleep in the next room. From
out of nowhere a volley of rockets struck the bedroom. Neither of us was hurt. We reached for our
guns. Then in the midst of flames his family burst out of the bedroom screaming and bleeding. The
electricity failed. We panicked momentarily as we tried to extinguish the fire. I grabbed eight-year
old Hani, and ran up and down the stairs shouting "Fire, Fire". Hani was bleeding from the chest
and his feet looked squashed. A neighbour invited us to take refuge in her apartment and called the
fire brigade. I was anxious, but Hani was absolutely calm and silent, He forced a smile and said to
me, "Leila, revolutionaries of the Front ought not to be fearful. You ought to be ashamed to be
frightened." I was a little shocked by the reminder from this child revolutionary, and I pounced on
him and carried him outside to take him to the hospital. I stopped a cabby, who refused to transport
us, and I spat in his face. Suddenly Abu Dardock, a member of the Front, appeared on the scene and

79

away we went to the American University hospital's emergency ward. As I rushed in with Hani in
my arms, blood covering both of us, I cried, "Find me a doctor please”. Within minutes a doctor was
there but before he even looked at the child, he callously enquired if I had the money to pay for the
treatment. I shrieked at him, "Are you a doctor or a carpet salesman?" He firmly explained that
AUB was a “hospital not a charity centre, "Since you are in business, take me for ransom, but
please look after the child," I begged. At that moment Dr. Haddad and his wife stormed in looking
for their child, His mother was almost hysterical. The American doctor recognised Dr. Haddad, a
fellow MD. He was taken aback and apologised profusely. His apologies fell on deaf ears. I voiced
my threats loudly, "Yankee doctor, the revolution will make AUB's hospital a hospital for the poor
and your kind of doctor will have to be disbarred or sent back to America." He flashed a barefaced
grin and said "I'm sor

The attack on Dr. Haddad's apartment strengthened our resolve to fight the enemy with all the
power at our command, We were much more determined to die for the cause than ever before. The
sight of the apartment in flames was constantly on my mind as I flew to Frankfurt in August. In
Frankfurt, I stayed at a moderately-priced hotel whose owner turned out to be Jewish, He greeted
me in Arabic and I hesitated momentarily before replying, then casually reciprocated his greeting,
pretending that I was a non-Arab. He persisted in talking Arabic to me and boastfully announced: "I
ama Jew you know." I promptly replied, "I am an Arab and | am not against the Jews; I am against
the Zionists and the people who occupied Arab territory." He countered agreeably, "I am a Zionist
for religious reasons, but I am not interested in politics.” Our confrontation ended, I went upstairs to
my room and stayed put until the following morning, Finally I became restless and hungry and
decided to go out to eat and take a long walk. My Jewish friend was at the desk. He greeted me
volubly and asked if I would like to go to Amsterdam on a trip he was organising for his guests. I
smiled, declined the invitation and rushed out to fetch some food. On the way I purchased several
English newspapers; all were filled with news from Jordan and some had editorial comments on the
impact of the Rogers proposals on the Arab world, Israel, and great power relations. Practically
every paper I read speculated on forthcoming hijackings. I felt uneasy at first, but then relieved
when I read that the hijackings were supposed to be taking place in Zurich and elsewhere, not in
Amsterdam,

I was obsessed with the idea of my mission. I rehearsed it on the hour every hour of my waking
days. I roamed the city of Frankfurt for a few days, bored with the waiting; then I went to Stuttgart
briefly and on to Amsterdam, Our rendezvous with history was approaching: all plans had to be
translated into action; history was ours to write; Patrick Arguello was to write it in blood, I was not
so honoured. I met Patrick Arguello for the first time in September, 1970, in front of the air terminal
at Stuttgart, We briefed each other on our mutual assignment and reviewed the plan thoroughly. The
following day we flew together to Frankfurt, At Frankfurt airport, Mr, Diaz (Patrick) was inspected
as I watched the passengers of a TWA Tel Aviv-bound flight being thoroughly searched. I felt very
happy that we were causing the enemy so much trouble. "What fools, that's the plane we're going to
hijack on its way back from Tel Aviv," I thought to myself. Patrick was cleared through customs
without suspicion.

The next stop was Amsterdam. On September 6 Patrick and I met in front of the El-Al counter at
ten a.m. We waited for half an hour for the El-Al Office to open. It never opened that day. We
checked the flight schedule; the bulletin board still showed El-Al flight 219 as departing for New
York at eleven twenty a.m. We asked the KLM ground hostess for assistance. She took our tickets
and called El-Al office. There was no answer.

The KLM hostess seemed a little surprised. She asked, "Why take El-Al flight, there are others,
which are better and more comfortable." We assured her that "we'd rather travel EI-AL" As we
waited Pan Am flight 840 arrived and I happily remembered TWA flight 840 of August 29, 1969. 1
‘was not aware at that moment that two of our comrades, having been barred in an earlier attempt by

80

the Israelis, were on their own to seize Pan Am flight 840 a half-hour after take-off. They took the
747 to Cairo where they blew it up as a declaration of Palestinian independence. Neither Patrick nor
any of the other five male hijackers knew that three planes were our target that day. Only the three
female Palestinian captains and a handful of other leaders knew of the entire plan. We lingered in
the waiting room until about twelve-o-five. There was still no sign of the El-Al counter-staff,

Suddenly an armed police officer in Israeli uniform emerged.

"Why are you late?" he demanded. I accommodatingly explained, "We arrived at ten o'clock,
officer,” and suggested that he ask the KLM hostess, who vouched for us. "Your passport please,"
he said. Both Patrick and I showed him our passports without comment, The officer carefully
examined each page. He looked at my photograph and then back at me several times, He paced
back and forth as he addressed us. He asked me to empty my handbag and identify every item in it
which I did. I looked completely normal. Patrick was wearing a business suit and I was dressed in a
mini-skirt and jacket. I did not pretend to be other than calm Maria Sanchez from Honduras.
Routine questions went on for several minutes. Suddenly I heard loud voices. I saw three Arabs
walking in my direction. My heart sank. I knew and recognised one of them. What if he greeted
me? We would be exposed immediately, Fortunately the Israeli officer had his back to them. Since
we were already holding hands for his benefit, I quickly threw my arms around Patrick, He seemed
a little surprised, but what man will rebuff a woman under such conditions? The embrace lasted
until my Arab friend passed by unnoticed by the El-Al officer or anyone else. The officer seemed
untroubled by us. Politely he invited us to go with him to the basement to check our baggage.
"Officer, our luggage is open, you could inspect it anytime you like," I said, "Regulations state,
Madam," he explained, "that owners must be present." We happily agreed. The officer was no
amateur. He systematically went through every item not once, but twice. He asked informal but
pertinent questions as he inspected our possessions.

Then he pointedly turned to me and asked: "Has anyone given you any gifts?" "No," I replied
emphatically. "Do you have anything sharp or dangerous?” "Such as?" I said, "Such as a pistol, a
knife or anything sharp?" "No Sir. What would a gir! like me ever do with a pistol or knife, officer?”
He smiled apologetically and said, "You can go back to the transit hall." Then it suddenly dawned
on him to ask me in English if I spoke Spanish. "Si, senor," I blurted out boldly. "Have a good
journey," he said. Patrick was a little surprised. "Why would you say to him you spoke Spanish
when you don't?" "Look Patrick," I said, "if he knew how to speak Spanish he would have
addressed us in Spanish from the beginning. Calm down, we're clear.”

‘As we re-entered the hall, I saw some thirty or forty youngsters waiting to board El-Al flight 219. 1
was shocked and secretly lamented that once again I had to face the agonising problem of what to
do to avoid hurting children, I love children and I know they are free from guilt. Although I
remembered the children of Palestine napalmed by the Israelis and Dr. Haddad's child running out
of his flaming room, I nevertheless vowed to do my utmost not to jeopardise the lives of the
passengers needlessly. I sat semi-paralysed for a few seconds wrestling with the moral issues of our
action, Meanwhile Patrick was walking around the hall trying to spot our two comrades. As 1
looked at the children a beautiful little girl walked towards me, her eyes directed longingly towards
the sandwich in my hand. Her mother pulled her away as I almost said to her, "Taali ela

houna," (Come here and take it.) No sooner did I hold my tongue, than her mother called "Taali ela
houna ya binti,” (Come here my child). I was startled. Patrick had just joined me. I tried to dispel
any sign of anxiety by whispering furtively to him "Guess what?" "Yes," said Patrick, thinking I had
spotted our comrades, "The lady with the children opposite us is an Israeli; imagine if she were
assigned to hijack this plane and she wanted to take it in one direction and we in the other. Who is
likely to win the contest?" I asked, Patrick laughed and assured me "We shall win."

We waited, Minutes seemed like hours, No Israeli plane was in sight. Only the damned KLM planes

81

were there and we had no use for them, The jumbo jet had taken off at eleven-thirty. It was now a
little after twelve. The Israeli officer reappeared and we went through the same routine inspection.
We were ordered to another side of the room. I tried not to show my frustration, The third
inspection started and we were told to move back to our original places. By the end of this

spection, it was one-thirty. The hijack proclamations were supposed to have been simultaneously
announced at twelve-twenty. I figured that either the hijackings were announced and the blasted
Israelis had heard about them and decided to transfer us to KLM, or they had captured our two other
comrades and were desperately looking for us. I had two hand grenades; Patrick had one hand
grenade and a pistol. I said to Patrick who was aware only of our own hijack plans, "Commandos
do not surrender, we have to play Samson if they discover us." Patrick resolutely agreed. We were
asked to walk downstairs. The same officer was standing at the gate checking every passport and
passenger. I said "Officer, we are late." "That's all right, madam, we're doing it for your own
security,” he declared, We marched to the plane surrounded by all kinds of armed guards. I was
delighted that the resistance was causing so many difficulties and making the Zionists paranoid and
jittery. | felt that Patrick and I had already conquered the enemy and accomplished half of our
mission by making a fool of him and proving that his precautionary measures were not foolproof. I
realised that the enemy's fortress was not impregnable as I ascended the plane with twelve guards of
honour bearing sub-machine guns guaranteeing my "security". When I stepped into the El-Al plane,
I felt for the first time since April 13, 1948, that I was at home again in Haifa, I was indeed in a
lion’s den, Never before had I felt so elated and proud of being a member of the Popular Front than
at that moment.

Patrick and I searched for two empty seats. We were moved around twice until we were finally
seated together in the second row of the tourist class. We heaved a sigh of relief as a hostess asked if
we were comfortable. I was exhilarated and looked forward to the second half of our mission,
Patrick seemed a little frightened as El-Al finally took off around one-thirty. Patrick knew me only
as Shadiah, I thought if I revealed my identity his morale would be greatly boosted. I did. Patrick
was heartened. He gave me a victory salute, The lady next to me fell asleep immediately. All the
passengers seemed tired. At one-fifty-five, we noticed that someone was watching us from the back
of the plane, I told Patrick to stay still. I turned around and looked directly at the man for a minute.
He was in civilian clothes. When he saw that I was watching him he shyly looked the other way. At
that moment Patrick prepared his hand grenade and pistol, and I pulled the safety pins off my two
hand grenades and rushed forward through the first class section and towards the cockpit, We
shouted "Don't move,” as some of the passengers tried to take cover. Three stewards were in front
of us wielding hand guns. In a couple of seconds I could count six guns, But we had anticipated a
battle. A hostess fell to the ground crying to me in Arabic. I threatened to blow up the plane if
anyone fired at us. I displayed my two grenades and dropped the safety pins on the floor hoping to
convince everyone we intended business and to avert a bloody battle, Patrick held the armed
stewards and the passengers at bay. "Go ahead, I'l protect your back," he instructed me. I forced the
hostess to stand up and walk ahead of me. The moment she opened the door, she staggered forward
in a state of panic. I couldn't see the captain or crew. Shots were fired. There was another door
before we could reach the pilot's cabin. Both of us banged on the door. No one opened the door.
Suddenly someone was looking at us through a spyhole. I brandished my hand grenades and
ordered him to open the door or else. I heard more shots and the plane went into a spin.

Several people attacked me at the same moment. I thought the plane was disintegrating, The firing
continued and suddenly I found myself besieged by a pack of wolves, El-Al staff as well as
passengers. Someone screamed "Don't shoot at her! She has two hand grenades." No one fired at
me. But some people were kicking me, others hitting. A few just stepped all over me. Two were
holding my hands and trying to take away the grenades. One finally succeeded in prying one
grenade from me without exploding himself and the plane. I held tightly to the other until I was

82

knocked unconscious for a second and was overpowered.

At first I didn't know what was happening to Patrick. Within a few minutes I was dragged to the
first-class compartment where Patrick was lying, bleeding profusely and breathing heavily. I could
see he was still alive. The Zionists were acting like mad dogs. They trampled over every part of our
bodies. By that time Patrick was too weak to resist. I was fighting like a caged lion. I fought until |
was completely exhausted, Then a vicious thug pounced on me, pulled my hair mercilessly, called
me a wicked bitch, a malicious Arab and all sorts of obscene names. I spat contemptuously in his
face. I bit his hands. He and the others around me beat me incessantly for several minutes.

The plane was travelling smoothly; the remaining passengers were staying in their seats. Suddenly
an Israeli guard emerged from the cockpit area, Patrick was lying on his side. The man tumed hi
over on his stomach and started tying him up with wires and a necktie. Someone asked "How are
they?" A voice replied "We don't know. He is ... we're not sure. She's three quarters dead.” The man
stepped on Patrick's hips and Patrick looked at me in agony, his hands tied behind his back. Then
the Zionist guard fired four shots into Patrick's back. Someone screamed from the back of the plane
"Please stop the bloodshed. Please, Please, Please!" The four shots that were fired into Patrick's
back were fired from a distance of less than one foot. Patrick looked at me, gave me a deathly smile,
and bid me an eternal goodbye.

Then came my turn. I was tied up in the same fashion: hands behind my back, my feet and legs
immobilised with wires. I expected to join the ranks of our martyrs as Patrick had just done. But the
Zionists did not execute me. I was certain they were not moved by any humanitarian concern or by
the pleading voice from the back of the cabin. They needed me for display purposes in their human
z00 in Israel. I presumed they wanted a witness to testify to their "bravery" - a prisoner to torture
and to extract confessions from. As they finished tying me up, the pilot announced, "We are going
to Tel Aviv." Yet within minutes, I felt the plane descend and then touch down. As it hit the runway I
fell off my seat and my "bodyguard" fell on top of me. He pulled me back up shouting obscenities
and kicking me ruthlessly. The passengers disembarked. I could hear the sound of an ambulance
outside. Two uniformed officers walked in. I didn't know where we were. Another officer walked in
to the first-class compartment where I was being held. He demanded that I be turned over. An
Israeli officer declared, "She is our prisoner. Get out of here. This is Israeli property." The first two
men stood their ground. Then the Israeli pilot, yes the pilot, in the presence of two British officers,
came out of his cockpit, lifted me off my seat and gave me a couple of vicious kicks in the bottom.
‘The British officers screamed, "Shame," and pushed him aside. More British officers stepped into
the fray, identifying themselves as members of Scotland Yard. The captain told them, "To hell with
you and your government. She is my prisoner. Get out of this plane." The British officers tried to
seize me. Three Israelis pulled me in one direction by my trussed up legs; the British pulled my
hands in the other in a tug-of-war which the British won, A great husky English officer carried me
over his shoulders and threw me down to the waiting arms of two other officers below. I was in
British hands. I knew it would be safer here for me than in Tel Aviv.

The British placed Patrick and me in some kind of police ambulance. I was hoping against hope that
Patrick would live. In a few minutes, a nurse told an officer beside her something, but I didn’t hear
it. Then she took the oxygen mask off Patrick's mouth. I knew he was dead, I pleaded with the
British to untie me. They did after they persuaded me to remain calm. I stood beside Patrick's body:
Theld his hands; I surveyed his wounds; I touched his smashed head; I kissed his lips in a spirit of
camaraderie and love, I wept unashamedly. I spoke to him, "Patrick, now you have joined Che in
revolutionary love. You are an inspiration for the weak and oppressed. The Palestinians shall build
you monuments in their hearts and in their liberated homeland. I long for the hour of liberation
under leaders of your stature and selfless dedication." In less than twenty minutes, the ambulance
arrived at Hillingdon hospital. Patrick Arguello, age twenty-seven, father of three children, a
Nicaraguan citizen of the world, born in San Francisco, USA, was pronounced dead. What had

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prompted someone half-way across the world from Palestine to undertake this dangerous mission?
Patrick was a revolutionary Communist. His gallant action was a gesture of international solidarity.
A flame of life was extinguished; it lit the world for a moment; it blazed a trail on the road back to
Palestine. Arguello lives, so do my people, so does the revolution!

At Hillingdon hospital, I was given a general check-up and X-rayed, I was surrounded by a crush of
people who seemed to have very little to do with my medical examination. The doctor pronounced
me "fit to go", though neither he nor anyone else around me could have imagined how beat I was
and how everything in me ached. I was asked by someone who didn't look like a nurse who I was. I
said, "Iam a commando from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.” "This is not a
name," a voice shouted. "That's my name. I do not wish to talk further." As people wandered around
trying to extract confessions from me or statements, the familiar face of a journalist appeared in the
crowd, but I couldn't place him, He must have recognised my voice immediately. He said, "That's
Leila." A police officer said, "What Leila?” "That's Leila Khaled, the gir! who hijacked the TWA
last year," the journalist replied. "Are you sure?" "Yes I am" The officer asked if Leila was my
name. I smiled but refused to comment. I was taken to West Drayton police station where I spent
the night. Here the police tried to interrogate me. I absolutely refused to utter a single word beyond
"Lam a commando from the Popular Front,” unless they agreed to recognise me as a commando and
treat me as a war prisoner. At West Drayton, the only unpleasant incident was when an immigration
officer came in with a sheaf of papers, read me all sorts of legal instructions, and informed me that I
was refused legal entry to Britain, I said, "Wonderful. Release me now." He said "No," and wanted
me to sign his ridiculous papers and acted as if I were some kind of a British outlaw. I ordered him
out.

The first two nights were a nightmare, I worried about what was taking place in Jordan and what
had happened to the other planned hijackings. I felt terrible because I had failed to seize and retain
EL-Al flight gig and I felt shattered over the death of comrade Arguello. These two thoughts were
constantly on my mind. I couldn't sleep for an hour without waking up, finding myself engaged in
another make-believe battle. I was lonely and exhausted. I said very little to the women who
constantly accompanied me. The only relationship I had with them was "What time is it?” A
question posed as frequently as I could, to ease my boredom. But one guard provoked me, "Why
did you do it? It’s a monstrous act,” she said. I left without being able to explain to her why.
However, she was kind to me and assisted me when the police moved me to Ealing, She put a
blanket over my face and wished me well.

I was moved to Ealing police station on September 7. Here I was placed in a cell by myself. Two
women officers guarded me. At first both seemed to resent me. We exchanged few words. I refused
to eat. I only smoked and drank black coffee. I asked to see newspapers. They said I could read a
‘women's magazine if I wanted, I said, "No thanks.” On September 8, I met Chief Superintendent
Frew, and Inspectors Bruce and Laidlaw. I said to them, "I will talk if I am recognised as a
commando." They agreed on the condition that I would tell the truth.

Frew: "What's your name?"

Khaled: "Leila Khaled."

Frew: "That's a lie.”

Khaled: "Then, what is my name?"
Frew: "Khaled is an assumed name."

Khaled: "My assumed name is Shadiah Abu Ghazalah, she was one of our great fighters

Frew interrupted me, "Oh, please, please don't harangue us. Answer questions specifically.” He
showed me a pistol and asked me to identify it. I said it was one of several Israeli pistols brandished

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in my face. He showed me a pistol which I later found out had been Patrick's, but since I hadn't seen
it before, I said I didn't know to whom it belonged. He didn't believe me. He then demanded, "How
did you obtain those strange bodies?" referring to the hand grenades. I answered him tersely: "They
were given to me by the PF.” "Who issued this passport to you?" "The PF," I said. "Where were you
going to take the plane?" "Somewhere." "Where?" "Somewhere," | insisted. "Who is Abd Atheem
Jaber?" Now I brightened up and decided to deliver my first brief speech and refuse to talk further if
I were stopped. The officers sensed my determination and remained silent.

"Jaber is a Palestinian hero in Zionist dungeons. He is one of our underground commando leaders
who struck terror in the heart of the enemy, and throughout his cities. Before he was captured by the
enemy on September 21, 1968, he fought courageously until his ammunition ran out. He held the
enemy until most of his comrades managed to disappear in the face of American-made Sikorsky
helicopters. He lived among the peasants of Palestine and he organised and trained them and spread
revolutionary ideas. His most daring act was his challenge to General Sharif Nassir, uncle of King
Hussein, Sharif Nassir was addressing a Jordanian platoon before the reactionary regime dispatched
them to Yemen to help with the counter-revolutionary attempt to restore the deposed Imamate there
Jaber stood up to Sharif Nassir and said, ‘Instead of sending us to Yemen to fight UAR troops and
‘Yemeni radicals, why not send us to Tel Aviv to fight the real enemy of Palestine?’ Sharif Nassir,
who is quick with the gun, found Jaber a bit quicker. Jaber was dishonourably discharged, but
upheld his dignity. I could tell you a lot more about the operations he masterminded in the occupied
territories, but I want you to understand one thing: Jaber was held incommunicado for four months
and the enemy couldn't break his will in spite of the torture-physical and psychological-inflicted on
him, I assure you I am of the same stuff. I trust you understand now why my unit was called the
Abd Arahman Jaber Commando Unit."

The British officers listened stony-faced. When I had finished Frew resumed his questioning. "In
this note written by you, Miss Khaled," Frew said, "it says Shadiah and her colleagues. Who are
your colleagues?” "What colleagues?" I asked. I paused briefly, then said: "It is quite possible that
there were others on the plane whom I didn't know. Why, did you find someone else?" I inquired
innocently. "Miss Khaled,” Frew said, "I have grey hair." I promptly interrupted, "That's not from
me. That's because you have a nagging wife.” Frew smiled to himself, "I think you are a very
lligent woman." "I reject your compliments," I shot back as the verbal battle continued. I tried
unsuccessfully to appear indignant and told the trio that as an Arab-Palestinian woman I refused to
accept compliments from Fascist pigs who held me as prisoner.

Frew shuffled through his collection of documents and retorted, "Why would an Arab-Palestinian
woman try to blow up a plane on which there were Palestinian Arabs?" I was not antagonised. "Oh,"
I said, "you have already decided that I am guilty of a crime that wasn't even committed before
giving me the benefit of a British trial in court.” "All the witnesses said you tried to blow up the
plane." "Mr. Frew," I said, "they are a bunch of Zionist liars. Besides, why don't you hold a public
inquiry and let every one of the witnesses be cross examined?" He cleverly interjected: "Do you
think you're a coward Miss Khaled?" "Look," I replied, "I had orders to seize the plane, not to blow
it up. 1 am no Kamikaze pilot. I care about people. If I wanted to blow up the plane no one could
have prevented me."

"Where did you board the plane? In Tel Aviv?" Frew inquired. "I boarded it at Schiphol airport in
Amsterdam.” "How many other hijackings did you plan?" "None." "Two others have taken place,”
he informed me. Surprised and pleased, I tried not to show any reaction to his statement, Then Frew
said to me, "The Israelis have asked for your extradition, Would you like to be extradited to Israel?"
I didn’t know the meaning of the word extradition and asked him to explain the implications. He
did, and added, If you're extradited the Israelis are likely to torture you.” "Well Mr, Frew, then you
know about Israel's torture chambers, brainwashing sessions, and physical shaming, That's good. I
am glad you know. I think others should too. Anyhow, if am extradited I will only be number

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‘twenty thousand and one. Just a statistic. I assure you, I won't break down under Zionist torture." "I
insist you're a very intelligent girl,” Frew declared. "I insist I do not accept your compliments. Give
me a cigarette and a drink of water please," I said humorously. In this relaxed atmosphere, I told the
officers that I had committed no crime against the British and I could see no reason why I was being
kept in a British jail. They said they didn't know either. I asked if any Israelis were also held in jail
"None" they said. I exploded: "Why not? Don't you know they executed my comrade in cold
blood." "Your colleague was killed in battle. The coroner's verdict says his death was “lawful
homicide’,” Frew pointed out. "Shame on the British courts,” I cried out. "How could they make
such a decision on the basis of biased evidence and without even interrogating me? It is the Star
Chamber all over again, This time it is directed from Tel Aviv and Washington." The atmosphere
became tense as I gazed furiously at each officer. I muttered, "That's British justice," as they filed
out. I was taken back to my cell. I had an intense headache that evening. The guards watched me
closely as I marched back and forth restlessly.

On September 9, Mr. Frew visited me once again. He asked where I would like to go if extradited. I
said to my homeland, Palestine. I demanded that I be released immediately and threatened dire
consequences if the British continued my detention, That very day a BOAC VC-10 was hijacked. I
knew my release was imminent. Mr. Frew returned to tell me that evening that I must have known
what was going on. I said, "The Front knows what it is doing. I need not wait for a recommendation
of clemency from a British jury."

On September 10, the ghost of Patrick haunted me. I couldn't stay my tears. I couldn't eat because
Patrick had died hungry; I remembered that every day and tried to stop eating to pacify myself. The
matron tried to calm me; she was a kindly woman and gave me helpful advice, but feelings of
sadness and anguish aren't something that can be erased by a few motherly words. I was cheered up
alittle however, when I learned that the PF was demanding my return in exchange for BOAC
passengers. Mr. Frew came in to enquire about Patrick's passport and asked: "Who was your
partner, Leila?” He had closed the door behind him. I said, "My name is not Leila, but Miss Leila
Khaled, a commando from the Popular Front. Is that clear Mr. Frew?" He was surprised that I was
being so formal. I chuckled and tantalised him further: "According to your own rules, you have no
right to be here in the absence of another female companion. By the way, when will [have the
pleasure of facing British justice?" Frew was confused, He mumbled a few incoherent words and
withdrew to reopen the door. He was somewhat apologetic as he asked if there was something he
could do for me. "Yes," I said, "I would like to knit sweaters for our commandos. Would you be
kind enough to provide me with some wool and needles?” He promised to try but didn't think the
rules would allow it. I requested a pencil and a piece of paper. He gave me a two-inch pencil.
Though I felt drowsy and had a toothache I penned my first note to Patrick.

Today is day four since we embarked on our immortal journey. Your spirit fills me with hope that
the cause we embraced is just and honourable. You have given your life for a people you didn't
know, for a people continents apart from your homeland, for a people who haven't seen your
photograph. Though I know you not, I know you more than any other man I encountered in my life
or any other hero I read or dreamt about. I always longed to know people who love others more
than themselves; I always admired men who sacrificed their lives for the cause of liberty; I always
adored people who walked naked before the sun not fearing its scorching rays and said no to the
enemies of light, life and progress. In dying for Palestine you have become the symbol that lightens
our oppression; you have also become the joyous burden that propels us onward to end that
oppression. In joining our struggle for dignity and peoplehood, you have given us a lesson in
international solidarity and brotherhood and cemented the bond of affection between the people of
Latin America and the people of Palestine. You wrote history by shedding your blood for others;
you united continents by your all-encompassing spirit; you ascended to the realm of Olympian gods
by your life-inspiring commitment. You are at once a Lafayette, a Byron, a Norman Bethune, a Che

86

Guevara - a Patrick Arguello, a martyr for Palestinian freedom. You are not dead. You live. You will
live forever! You are the patron saint of Palestine. In revolution,

Leila.

September 11 was a day for banter. It started with a visit from the envoy of Honduras, a corpulent,
moustached feudal lord, Mr. Frew introduced him as his excellency, the Consul of Honduras. He
asked, "How did you obtain this Honduran passport?" I answered contemptuously: "Did the Popular
Front disguise you and send you here as a fictitious banana republic ambassador?" His excellency
was infuriated. He departed like a vanquished Napoleon. What a sad state of affairs for officialdom,
for a Latin consul to be ridiculed and insulted by a Palestinian or a nobody hijacker. How
humiliating! Mr. Frew was appalled, but not surprised by my reaction. I blamed him for failing to
fulfil his promise of knitting material. He apologised and explained, "You are not allowed to have
sharp instruments in your possession.” He wanted to know if the Front would explode the plane
with the passengers as was reported by the "objective" British press that day. "Yes," I said
unhesitatingly. "What?" he asked, "have you no humanity?" "Humanity my foot!" I shouted. "You
should be ashamed to utter such a word in the West. If you have any integrity you'd remove that
word from your dictionaries and declare it a non English word." I started making a speech on
Zionism and imperialism and how the British vampired the Arab world, but Mr. Frew deflated me
this time, He interrupted, "Miss Leila Khaled, perhaps our government is imperialist. Please stop
your speech-making. I felt undercut and later asked my "bodyguards" why Mr. Frew didn't defend
the government. They explained that there were many members of the Labour Parry at Ealing who
‘were not necessarily sympathetic to the Conservative government.

On September 12, I tried to take a different tack after hearing that the imperialist planes had been
blown up. Since all kinds of strikes were going on in Britain, I thought my "bodyguards" should go
on strike in sympathy with their fellow workers. I suggested since they were "my prisoners" they
should stage a revolt and join their fellow workers on strike. As I was urging them to rebel Mr. Frew
walked in, He took a deep breath and said, "What are you up to now?" "Mr. Frew," I said, "these
prisoners deserve to be free." "What prisoners?" he enquired. "Those poor masses working night
and day here." "O.K. You win this time," he said paternally. As Mr. Frew sat checking his files I
decided to badger him, "I know the Home Office is violating British justice, habeas corpus and
other concepts of justice, but does the Ealing Hilton have to violate the laws of hygiene too Mr.
Frew?" He scratched his head and enquired further. I informed him that I hadn't had a bath in six
days. He quickly arranged for me to be marched to the fifth floor accompanied by four police
matrons who insisted on having me undress in their presence as each guarded a comer of the narrow
shower room.

September 13 was a bad day for me. I felt ill most of the day and couldn't sleep that night. The
doctor was called in. He pleaded with me to eat more than just a cheese sandwich and coffee and
gave me two sleeping tablets. They had a terrible effect on me. That night was a nightmare for
everybody except me. They thought I was about to die, but I surprised them and woke up feeling as
if my head weighed a ton. When I opened my eyes at five-thirty a.m, everyone was practically in
tears. That charming little matron was truly relieved and delighted to see me revive. It was apparent
that she had had a sleepless night as had most people around me.

The next two weeks I settled into an established routine. There were no further interrogations. I was
allowed to use the matron's rooms and to roam within a ten-yard radius without being followed.
Political issues in Jordan, especially after the seventeenth, preoccupied me and became the focal
point of my discussions with Frew and others. I was given a bundle of letters that had arrived at
Ealing: some denounced me; others supported the cause; one contained a marriage proposal. I was
not permitted to answer any of them, but I was permitted to write to my parents and some close

87

friends. I volunteered to translate the contents but Mr. Frew told me that Her Majesty's Government
had its own interpreters.

It didn't surprise me that a full-scale massacre was under way in Jordan, Isolated in a British cage,
however, I did not appreciate the magnitude and extent of Hussein's terror, It seemed, judging from
reports in the British press, that the incident was a continuation of the policy of harassment,
intimidation, and terror instituted in November of 1968 and continued sporadically since then,
Although it was obvious that the latest combat engulfed the whole country, it was not so obvious as
the final liquidation attempt on the part of the monarchy.

Many have alleged, without justification, that the PFLP precipitated the massacres by the Jordanian
regime of September 1970 with the multiple "hijackings” we undertook. Such a simple explanation
of the well-conceived plot on the part of the Jordanian authorities to eliminate the Palestinian
revolution cannot be accepted. The massacre of September and the subsequent mopping-up
operations that took place while the Arab states fulminated should convince everyone that, indeed,
the Arab kings and colonels regarded the Palestinian resistance as a dangerous movement that could
threaten their very regimes and engulf the whole region in an international civil war of the working
class versus the forces of oppression. One thing was made clear during those momentous months:
Hussein was prepared to invite Israel to take over "his kingdom’, rather than allow the resistance to
topple him, and America almost intervened to "rescue" its citizens and maintain Hussein in power.
The components in this drama were a power-hungry Hashemite ruling clique, prepared to commit
any treachery to keep the reins of power in its hand; general Arab silence, which can only be
interpreted as acquiescence to the massacre; and the American Zionist conspiracy hatched between
Golda Meir and Nixon in Washington.

On September 17, the British guards, whether on their own initiative or under instructions from
their superiors, urged me to ask for political asylum, To me it was a repugnant form of abdication. I
rejected the idea immediately. In fact, I demanded that I be released so that I could go and join my
comrades in Jordan, The British bided their time and negotiated as partners of the so-called "Berne
Five", under pressure from the Americans and the Israelis. I am certain the Germans, the Swiss and
the British would have exchanged hostages for our prisoners had it not been for Zionist and
American insistence on a unified front — an action, which, in effect, showed how little the
Europeans cared for their own citizens compared with those of Zionist Israel and the American
behemoth. I know that their justification for such callous deeds was that they were upholding
international law and morality and defending "innocent passengers", but let's not deceive ourselves;
the interests of Dick Nixon and Golda Meir were placed ahead of those of Britain, Germany, and
neutral" Switzerland.

The turmoil in Jordan disturbed me deeply. I tried to maintain my composure and act naturally, but
it was a difficult job. Mr. Frew was a daily visitor. He wondered why Moslems fought each other
instead of the enemy. I lectured him on the nature of class society and explained that the good little
British-manufactured King of Jordan was part of the enemy camp. Frew listened intently but like
most of his Western compatriots, he was unable to grasp the idea of social class and its historic
implications. He only accused me of being bitter. I said I was more then bitter, I was full of class
hatred and aspired for nothing less than the complete obliteration of the Jordanian monarchy and
retinue, Frew's prescription for the remedy of my class consciousness was a week's stay in
"democratic" Britain’ after my release. I said, "T'll be happy to stay in Britain until Christmas if I
were released immediately so as to enjoy the fruits of British democracy." Frew detected my
sarcastic tone, "Now," he said, "I wish you would go back to Jordan before I lose my wife.” "Tell
your wife not to worry, Mr. Frew. I have no intention of marrying a fatherly British cop. If | do
marry, it will be an Arab revolutionary or a simple peasant, not a British lord, not a Greek shipping
magnate, not an American industrial baron, Is that clear Mr. Frew?"

88

1 followed the Jordanian civil war in the British press. When I began reading reports about the
"Syrian intervention”, I deduced from fragmented editorial comments that an Israeli-US invasion
was being contemplated. When, however, it was reported that the "Syrian column" had been
defeated by "brave" Jordanians and forced to withdraw, I realised that the regime was not on the
verge of dethronement. But when I saw Hussein and Arafat shake hands in the presence of kings
and presidents I knew the revolution was betrayed. At that moment, I am sure I could have
unhesitatingly gunned down every participant in that conference. I could no longer withhold my
fury, I could see the writing on the wall: the resistance was dead as a historic force. I truly cried for
the blood of martyrs in Jordan, the blood bartered away at the Cairo Hilton, the Kubbe Palace and
the Arab League Headquarters. I could not forgive the Arab League for the blood of Patrick, whose
body still lay in a British morgue while counter-revolutionary "peace" was signed. I knew the
fighters would repudiate the leadership and in time form their own revolutionary vanguard party. I
knew it had to be done; I knew the Front was going to do it. In the ensuing months, however, Arafat
and Co. still refused to understand that the Palestinian Arab revolution was in fundamental
contradiction to the Arab decadent social orders. Hussein crushed the resistance physically in Jordan
and drove the guerrillas out in July 1971, and the "resistance leaders”, with the exception of the
Popular Front and a few independents, accepted Saudi-Egyptian mediation and were still prepared
to negotiate with Jordan and embrace Hussein and Hassan,

Early on September 28, it was reported that President Nasser was dying. The news didn't strike me
as real nor did I fathom the implication of his impending death. I was still too frenzied over the
‘Arafat-Hussein accord to think clearly. Late in the day, however, it was reported that President
Nasser had died. I was stunned, emotionally paralysed. The feelings I had when Che and Ho died
retumed. This time perhaps more poignantly, for I was, as every Arab was at one time or other, an
admirer of Nasser. He was one of the greatest Arab leaders of the modern era. As a giant among
dwarfs, he symbolised everything noble, great and weak among the Arabs, He was from us and one
of us; he was a leader of men, I felt a part of me died with him. I was happy I had lived in the age of
Nasser. I will only be happier to live in a liberated Palestine,

Mr, Frew and those around me saw how sad I was. They couldn't understand why I should be so
distressed over the death of someone I had denounced the day before. They couldn't understand that
Nasser was the first champion of anti-imperialism in my world.

On September 29, Frew intimated that I might soon be released. I checked the newspapers closely
for clues as to when the last six hostages were going to be surrendered to the International Red

‘oss Committee. They finally were on the thirtieth of September, 1970. The moment the hostages
reached Cyprus, I was instructed to prepare for departure, There was no indication of my
destination, I bade my British friends farewell, kisses and all, and promised to send more customers
to the Ealing Hilton where clients have bodyguards and accommodation is free. At six-thirty, Mr.
Frew came and asked me to which country I would like to go, I said confidently, "The decision has
already been taken by my commanders. By the way, where am I being taken?" Frew didn't answer
and no one answered the question in the next few hours. I was told that since I was a soldier, I was
expected to abide by the rules as I was being moved out of Britain. I agreed and followed orders to
the letter, The matrons told me that people were lining up in the streets to see me, but they were
going to be sadly disappointed as I would be taken out lying, covered up in a van, I was surprised to
be accompanied by a whole convoy of police cars and motorcycles. I was allowed one quick look at
the crowd assembled around Ealing police station before being taken to a military airport. As I
boarded the helicopter I flashed a victory sign to the photographers. I said goodbye to Mr. Frew and
promised to visit the "Ealing" again, "No," he cried out, "come to Britain, not to the “Ealing’.” We
travelled by helicopter for about an hour and then landed at another nameless airport, I noted to the
captain that helicopters are more difficult to hijack than regular planes. He didn't appreciate my
sense of humour, Then we boarded a Comet for an unannounced destination. I still couldn't find out

89

where I was going, Then I heard a member of the crew saying "there is another woman to come”. I
knew instantly it had to be Amina Dhahbour who was being held by the Swiss in Zurich. Suddenly
we descended in Munich. The airport was a garrison, From my window I counted the armoured
cars, I was ordered to take the last seat on the plane, Three brothers, from the Action Organisation,
Mufid Abdul Rahman, Hanabi and Nashaat, were brought aboard, I knew none of them and we
were not allowed to shake hands. Next stop was Zurich where my inspiration, Amina and comrades
Ibrahim Tewfiq and Mohammad Abu Al-Haifa came aboard. I wanted at least to hug Amina, but it
was not permitted. We just greeted each other from afar, Each of the passengers had his own
bodyguard. None was handcuffed. The night of September 30 was a long one. The journey to Cairo
was the longest I ever endured. I slept periodically, We had to remain seated at all times,

We arrived in Cairo, October 1, 1970, at eight a.m. The city was in mourning for the death of
President Nasser. The British, German and Swiss consuls met us at the airport, Each one of us was
dutifully taken in hand by "his" consul and tumed over to the Egyptian authorities. Protocol
reigned. I was astonished to find out that Patrick's body wasn't with us, but there were no British
around to denounce or Arab leaders to threaten, We were taken to an Egyptian "guesthouse" and
held there for eleven days. We were told that we were being held there for "security reasons".

On October 12, we were flown to Damascus and each commando rejoined his or her unit. Before
returning to Beirut, however, I visited my friend Colonel Ali Zaza, the man who had accused me of
working for Egyptian intelligence in the TWA affair.

"Colonel," I said, as I barged into his office, "I trust you are convinced now that the Popular Front
and [ are nobody's tools." "Iam," he said. "Wouldn't you like to keep me in your guesthouse again?”
"No, Leila, this time you can be my guest for lunch." "No thank you, colonel," I said. "I have to
report back to my unit in Beirut within two hours. See you on the battlefield in Palestine!"

I went to Beirut in mid-October and held a press conference at Al-Hadaf’s office pointing out that
Patrick was murdered by the Israelis and that the British excused the crime that took place in their
airspace. To this date, the British have refused to put their "evidence" before a competent authority
for inspection and the autopsy report remains confidential.

For the next few weeks, I spent most of my time giving press interviews and preparing to marry a
fellow fighter, Bassim, an Iraqi Arab revolutionary. We got married on November 26, 1970, spent a
week together and then returned to our separate tasks

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PART THREE: Conclusion

8 The Fascist Tide and the Arab Revolution

Against me he is a lion, against the enemy he is an ostrich. The Jordanian soldiers carry themselves
like lions when it is a question of the unarmed Palestinian refugees, but when the time came they
did not know how to die in defence of Jerusalem.

President Houari Boumedienne of the Republic of Algeria

‘THE SUPREME OBJECTIVE OF THE PALESTINE LIBERATION Movement is the total
liberation of Palestine, the dismantlement of the Zionist state apparatus, and the construction of a
socialist society in which both Arabs and Jews can live in peace and harmony. To achieve our
objective we have adopted the strategy of people's war and protracted armed struggle. We have no
other alternative; we see no other possible option to dislodge the Zionists from Palestine. Our
struggle will be long and arduous because the enemy is powerful, well-organised, and well
sustained from abroad. We shall win because we represent the wave of the future, because we are
the immense majority of the oppressed, because mankind is on our side, and above all because we
are determined to achieve victory.

The goal of the Arab states is "the elimination of the consequences of aggression" or the restoration
of the status quo ante, not the liberation of the whole of Palestine. The Arab states contend that they
can force Israel to withdraw to the June 4, 1967 borders by a judicious combination of diplomacy
and conventional warfare, not by armed struggle and revolutionary ideology. They stress the
"political solution", and accept mediation by the UN and the major powers as a fait accompli, They
try to persuade their American and Soviet friends to pressure Israel to withdraw. They also
periodically engage in spasmodic military actions to demonstrate their determination to regain the
occupied territories, Israel still holds every inch of territory it conquered in 1967, and in all
likelihood it will continue to do so, barring profound changes in Arab and American policies. To
secure the home front, the Arab governments have strengthened and modernised their intelligence
services; both "progressives" and "conservatives" are collaborating effectively to stem the tide of
revolution at home.

The aim of America is "regional stability" under its ascendant power. In this age of neo-colonialism,
America has its storming gendarme in Israel and its militia in the reactionary and military cliques of
the Arab world. If its calculations go awry, however, America wouldn't find it difficult to intervene
directly to protect its "citizens and interests" or to help a local potentate ward off the "menace of
communism", America is firmly entrenched in the world of black gold; it has no intention of ever
sacrificing the flow of bullion into its banks. Indeed, it is prepared to risk nuclear war to keep us
"free" and "safe for democracy". America doesn't love the naked fakirs of the Arab world, nor does
it care for every little forgotten Jew the world over. America cares for America, and America is Wall
Street, the Pentagon, their agents and manipulators in the government bureaucracy and the hordes of
priests, journalists and professors which populate the churches, the media, and the universities.

The aim of the Soviet Union is the neutralisation of the US and its eventual expulsion from the
Middle East. As an advocate of co-existence, the peaceful transition to socialism, and the non-

1

capitalist road to development, the USSR supports the "Arab national regimes" in their anti-
imperialist struggle, provides them with loans for industrial projects, and weapons to fight the
Israeli conquerors. As a sponsor of the "political solution", the Soviet Union recognises the
legitimacy of Israel, respects its sovereignty and the territorial integrity of states, and demands the
“impartial” implementation of UN resolutions, The Soviet Union is a champion of "peace and co-
existence”, not of people's war and revolutionary violence. With the "progressive" Arab regimes, the
Soviet Government stands for the domestication, not the elimination, of the resistance and the Arab
revolution. America, Israel, and Arab reactionaries stand on the other hand for the liquidation of the
resistance and the obliteration of the Arab revolution.

The overriding objective of Israel is the peace of the bayonet; the "peace" of conquest, the dictated
and imposed "peace" of the "defensive" forces of Dayan; the "peace" of North American and West
European rabbis and their congregations. Briefly, the peace of America, Israel and Zionism is the
peace of total destruction of the Palestinian people, the domination of neighbouring states, the
perpetuation of Zionist supremacy in the Middle East. Since Israel cannot rely forever on the
generosity of world Jewry, the blank cheque at the Export-Import Bank of America, or expect a new
kind of German reparations, it needs new guarantees to achieve and maintain a self-sustaining and
viable economy; it needs a continuing influx of immigrants and dollars; and it needs a "peace with
tension" to obtain the support and concern of friend and ally. Therefore, Israel favours the present
conditions of unchallenged dominance in the absence of a more durable, "contractual peace".
However, Israel would be prepared to sign a "peace treaty", forgo the possibility of further
territorial conquest and withdraw to the June 4 borders, with the exception of Jerusalem, under two
conditions: (a) access to Arab markets; (b) ownership of the oil and mineral resources of the Gulf of
Suez. Nothing less will induce Israel to withdraw or make serious territorial concessions other than
total defeat or American decisive pressure. The latter two possibilities are out of the question,
because the Arab armies are incapable of waging the kind of war required, and if they were, both
the Soviet Union and the US would not permit them to undertake it, Secondly, the US has not
exerted enough pressure to force Israel to withdraw. Indeed, if anything, the US has implicitly
endorsed the territorial conquests of Zionism, by the continuous "sale" of Phantoms and Skyhawks,
and the outflow of millions of American tax-free dollars. Thus the state of "neither war nor peace"
will continue into the foreseeable future whatever ad hoc settlement may be attained under UN or
great power auspices.

In spite of the apparent differences among the US, the Soviet Union, the Arab states and Israel, a
convergence of interests in the spring and summer of 1970 enabled them to coalesce either overtly
or covertly. The implicit accord they reached manifested itself in what was termed the Rogers Peace
Proposals-proposals which entailed a cease-fire agreement between the Arab states and Israel and
acceptance of the UN resolutions concerning "peace and security" in the Middle East. The full
significance of the accord was revealed in September of 1970 when King Hussein proceeded to
eliminate the resistance in the southern Jordan as his part of the agreement in Rogers’ peace. In mid-
August, Hussein's target was Irbid, a city in the North where "refugee" and resistance camps were
mercilessly attacked, people killed and bodies mutilated. The talk of forthcoming Armageddon was
in the air; everything foreboded ill for the resistance, unless it seized the initiative and decided to
settle who ruled in Jordan. Skirmishing continued in Amman, Jerush, Zerga, and Irbid. Hussein was
in hot pursuit of the resistance: daily he tested its will to fight. The resistance was preoccupied with
its own pre-eminence and power; it expressed its fearlessness in bombastic declarations, but agreed
upon no contingency plans. Very few anticipated the massive barbarity and bestiality of Hussein
and Co. Indeed, the resistance leadership thought it would muddle through the gathering storm and
perhaps emerge unscathed and possibly even strengthened by Hussein's direct assault. Fateh's right-
wing leadership and other sectors of the movement could not conceive that Hussein was out to
decapitate and annihilate the res

92

During this period of internal dismay, disarray, and disintegration, I was on my way to Europe to
carry out a minor aspect of the Front's offensive strategy to topple Hussein, But he and his CLA
advisers pre-empted us on September 1, 1970, He put his well-established and well-known plan into
effect: he disclosed an assassination plot and attributed it to the Popular Front hoping to split the
ranks of the resistance and pit the fighters against each other, The Western and Arab press dutifully
reported Hussein's charges and distinguished between "honest" revolutionaries who wanted to fight
Israel, and "terrorists" who were trying to precipitate a civil war in Jordan, The plot unfolded
rapidly as Hussein scomfully told Iraq not to meddle in Jordanian internal affairs and appealed to
the great powers, including the Soviet Union, to restrain the "hotheads", all the while drawing their
attention to Iraq's threatened intervention if Hussein did not stop firing on the guerrillas. The Arab
League Council was called into an emergency session: it appealed for an immediate cessation of
hostilities (September 5 and 6) and reactivated the four-nation committee, established as a result of
the June fighting to oversee the implementation of the July 10 accord between Hussein and the
resistance. Meanwhile, the Palestine National Congress failed to come to grips with the issue; it
merely conducted another session of poetic oratory with no binding decisions, The resistance was
hemmed in; the leadership still refused to act in concert. Then came the epoch-making strategy of
the Popular Front; all the enemies of the revolution were outflanked on September 6, 1970.
Hussein's authority was immediately shattered; Israel's European and American allies were put on
the defensive; the Palestinian and Arab people rejoiced and applauded our deed; the world stood
shocked and forced to take heed of Palestine, Palestine was on the lips of every one the world over
for a week. Our Six Day War began: for the first time in modern history the Palestinians were on the
centre stage and we were directing the play. We tasted the meaning of sovereignty; we reaped the
fruit of the summer harvest; we gloried in the joy of nationhood; we became a people for a whole
week. But nobody congratulated us openly. All condemned us "universally". But we were oblivious
to the reactions of an insensitive world whose tender conscience did not have room for the
Palestinians - a world that had built a shrine to Zion and couldn't afford a plaque for Palestine. Our
Zionist prosecutors had a niche in the Western pantheon; we were a past memory for archaeologists
to explore; the world sat in judgment on a subject it recognised as a "refugee"; the refugee said no
to charity, no to pity, no to benevolent despotism-but YES to Palestine, to liberation, to revolution!

The seizure of British, Swiss and American planes turned things topsy-turvey for the enemy. It was
no longer able to dictate "peace" terms. What is startling, however, is that the Western proponents of
“humanity and peace” resorted to the threat and use of violence in order to safeguard their
“sovereign rights”. They initially pressured Hussein into carrying out their will which he did in an
11-day war of annihilation against the resistance.

Here is the testimony of Amaud de Borchgrave of Newsweek (October 5, 1970, p. 38); "In almost a
quarter of a century of foreign reporting, I cannot recall anything remotely similar to what I have
seen in Jordan. I have witnessed intertribal massacres in Africa and the slow steady blood-letting in
Vietnam. But there has been nothing like the urban devastation- both of life and property-that
‘Amman has suffered."

When Hussein appeared to be failing at the beginning of the onslaught, he with his Israeli and
American allies concocted the Syrian intervention myth in order to facilitate the planned
intervention of both America and Israel in Jordan. The evidence for the myth of course, was the
Palestine Liberation Army's forward thrust from Syria (September 20), which almost annihilated the
Fortieth Brigade, Hussein’s pride, Admittedly, Syria did not hamper the PLA effort and it probably
approved of it and supported it, But the PLA's foray into Jordan provided the US and Israel with the
pretext to threaten intervention of their own unless "Syrian forces withdrew". The whole plot must
have been well thought out when Golda Meir arrived "unexpectedly" in Washington on the
seventeenth, the same day that Hussein planned to pulverise the resistance. Mrs. Meir was closeted
with Nixon and both "amicably" agreed to continue their discussions in the light of developments in

93

Jordan. On September 18, the Chicago Sun Times reported on a long "private" meeting its editorial
board had with Nixon the night before: the report said that America was prepared to intervene
directly "should Syria and Iraq enter the conflict and tip the military balance against the government
forces loyal to King Hussein". The cat was out of the bag, two days before the alleged Syrian
itervention was supposed to have taken place. Meir and Nixon decided to intervene. Therefore, to
give credence to the myth of Syrian intervention, Secretary of State William Rogers pointedly asked
the Soviet Union (September 20) to urge Syria to pull back and issued a statement which read in
part:

‘We've been informed ... that tank forces have invaded Jordan from Syria during the night and have
moved toward Ramtha. We have also been informed that Jordanian armour is resisting this invasion,

We condemn this irresponsible and imprudent intervention of Syria into Jordan, This action carries
with it the danger of broadened conflict.

We call upon the Syrian government to end immediately this intervention in Jordan, and we urge all
other concerned governments to impress upon the government of Syria the necessity of
withdrawing the forces which have invaded Jordan.

Rogers, the underrated and soft-spoken arch-imperialist, was of the opinion that Syria had no right
to intervene in Jordan, but that he and Abba Eban had a right to do so, at the request of the
established authority of King Hussein, Anyhow, whatever Mr. Rogers had to say was merely the tip
of the iceberg of America's planned Operation Brass Strike, which was intended to restore Hussein
to his throne had he fallen or had he been on the verge of falling. According to the Times-Post news
service (September 2g), the 82nd Airborne Division began moving into full alert at Fort Bragg, on
September 20.

On orders from President Nixon, the signal directed the 14,000 paratroopers here to get ready for
possible use in Jordan. Their mission: if so ordered, to descend on Amman and rescue 54 air-
hijacked hostages, including 38 Americans, and some 400 other Americans living in the guerrilla-
besieged Jordanian capital. Simultaneously alerted were about 2,000 troops in US army units in
West Germany, ships of the Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean, and 1,500 US marines aboard
ships headed for the embattled area.

ult

The implication was that, while the 82nd would concentrate on a lightning-quick, in-and-out rescue,
the others might be sent in if King Hussein's army could not hold off the Palestinian guerrillas and
Syrian and Iraqi forces supporting them.

In America's "open" society and "free" press, the Times-Post dispatch summarised the plans thus:

The 200-plus-man initial ready force could go to an intermediate stop for refuelling-maybe the
Azores, Spain, West Germany or some other reasonable site-and then swoop down aboard their
500-mile-per-hour, 5,000-mile range G-141s on Amman's International airport. If possible, they
could land the planes. If the airport was insecure, the force could parachute down, equipment and
all, and capture the field

With the field secure and more increments arriving-not only men and guns but helicopters carried
inside big transports -the assault force could be ready to move out within hours.

Helicopters could be prepared for flight. Then they could attack specified areas, where the people to
be rescued were, and, in the classic Vietnam tactic, hold off attackers with their heavy firepower
while disgorging men who would then fan out to build a perimeter defence, Amman's few open
spaces, like parks, were marked off as landing zones.

For such "intelligent" and "heroic" deeds, America was relying on Israeli intelligence, the speed and
fire power of its armoury and the "love" of the Jordanian people for Richard Nixon, Spiro Agnew,

94

Moshe Dayan and Golda Meir, Moreover, America's planned action to maintain Hussein in power
was disclosed by the New York Times (October 8, 1970) on page one, in a story that also implicated
the Soviet Union and the Arab States. Here is a summary report of that long in-depth article:

WASHINGTON-The United States and Israel! were preparing to take co-ordinated military action in
the recent Jordanian crisis, according to US and Israeli sources.

This plan envisioned an Israeli attack on the Syrian tank forces that had entered Jordan if it
appeared that King Hussein's army was incapable of stopping them. In this event, the United States
would have used the Sixth Fleet and other units to safeguard Israel's rear and flanks from Egyptian
or Soviet attacks from the Suez Canal area,

The plan was not put into effect because the Syrian tanks, harassed by King Hussein's jets and
armour, began retreating into Syria. Informed sources here believe that it was the combination of
Israel's troop buildup plus the US military alert-both well publicised-that sobered the Syrians and
the Soviet Union.

President Nixon assumed personal direction of the intense diplomatic and military activity as the
crisis approached its climax.
The bond between the US and Israel in this crisis was their joint determination that King Hussein

must not be overthrown by outside intervention because they assumed he would be replaced by a
regime closely linked to Moscow.

An urgent message from King Hussein asking the United States and to consider what

military support they could provide him gave impetus to the planning.

But pethaps an equally strong force for quick action was the feeling in Washington that Israel would
consider itself compelled to strike the Syrian forces if they continued to penetrate into Jordan in
support of the guerrillas who were challenging King Hussein's authority.

Another more publicised factor was concern about 400 US citizens and 54 hostages, including 38
Americans, in the hands of Palestinian guerrillas in Jordan at the time.

And, as if Hussein has not been sufficiently exposed as an imperialist-Zionist agent, Time Magazine
came out with a full page account (November 23, 1970, p. 34) describing his relations with Israel
since 1968 and reporting that the tenth meeting had just been held in the Arava wilderness north of
Elat between Hussein and Yigal Allon, Israel's Deputy Prime Minister. In an atmosphere of
amiability, Hussein, according to Time, informed Allon in a ninety-minute dialogue that his throne
was secure, but the time was not ripe for unilateral discussions. The Time report concerning the
crux of the matter and its interpretative comment was as follows

Even so, one result of the border meeting is that broader negotiations with representatives of other
Arab states can be expected to follow.

Turning to the question of the guerrillas; the two leaders agreed that the fedayeen were a nuisance to
both countries and that co-ordination was necessary to neutralise them, The King received promises
of Israeli help.

Hussein and Allon also agreed to expand economic relations. At the same time, however, Hussein
protested that Mrs. Meir was undercutting him by observing during her latest US visit that
Palestinian statehood was only a question of re-drawing Jordan's boundaries. The King was
prepared to grant Palestinian autonomy of a sort, he said, but under his rule, and not as the nucleus
of an independent Palestinian state,

The civil war in Jordan was not an incidental phenomenon. It was part of America's global strategy

95

to reverse the tide of history and to eliminate liberation movements everywhere. It was part of a war
of reaction and suppression whose victims have been, in the main, the leaders and movements of the
Third World since the Second World War. Since most r tance movements have either been
defeated, undermined or contained, with the exception of the Vietnamese nationalists, it was
iperative that the voices of revolution be stilled, or at least weakened in Palestine. Thus came the
June War of 1967 that was intended as the grand finale in America’s attempt to restore "sanity and
order" in the world and rid mankind of the contagious virus of liberty and revolution. The attempt
failed temporarily, but in 1970-71 the Fascist tide once again flooded the Arab world: the
consequences are not difficult to discern and evaluate.

The immediate victim in the all-encompassing war of Fascism was the resistance whose power,
prestige, and effectiveness were eroded by the retreat of Fateh’s right-wing leadership; they walked
sheepishly to Hussein's slaughter-house with the connivance of Arab regimes. And when the final

n's
assault came in July 1971, another fruitless Arab summit meeting was convened. Hussein
imprisoned 2,300 guerrillas and drove the rest of the movement completely out of the Ajloun Jerash
area, No strongholds were left for the movement; its former headquarters offices were in ruins in
Amman and elsewhere in Jordan, Phase one of the revolution ~ revolutionism without ideology
was dead.

‘As America extended its influence and spread its wings of annihilation anew in the Middle East, the
comrades-in-arms of President Nasser-"the Soviet wing" of Ali Sabri and Sami Sharaf-were charged
with high treason (May 13, 1971) and removed from their strategic positions in the Egyptian state
apparatus and the Arab Socialist Union, President Sadat and his "brilliant" mentor, Mohammad
Hassanein Heikal moved closer to Washington and slowly detached themselves from the Soviet
Union in order to redress the balance in favour of "non-alignment" and to reintegrate the middle
classes into Egyptian society and improve its relations with the West. The cease fire continued, no
actions on the Suez front took place as the re-Egyptianisation of Arab Egypt commenced in earnest
in the aftermath of the upheaval.

In less than two months after the Egyptian bombshell Hussein intensified his incessant attac!
the guerrillas. To the eternal shame of the Arab world, about one hundred Palestinian guerrillas took
refuge in occupied Palestine and placed their fates in the hands of Dayan rather than die at the hands
of King Hussein, The King proudly stated on July 18: "We had no choice but to act against the
commandos because they became a nuisance to many people and to the armed forces. The fighting
is finished. This is final. Now there is no problem and attempts are being made to bring them
together and achieve a better solution. If need be, we are all fedayeen against the Israelis.” Asked if
there were any new agreements with the guerrillas Hussein stated "The time has gone when the
commandos could act according to their whim, The time has come for the state to determine the
areas where they must stay. They must also respond to the state's instructions." In other words,
Hussein wanted a guerrilla movement to serve his and America's private interests and to help him
recover "his" lost territory and keep the Palestinians in check.

$s on

While Hussein's treachery was going on, a spark of hope appeared in the skies of the Arab
homeland. In July 1971 the Hashem Attah movement seized power in the Sudan and proclaimed the
first Arab Workers' Republic. By July 22, Sadat and Qaddafi had bared their teeth and "heroically"
abolished the republic. They restored Numeiry to power and instigated a communist witch-hunt
throughout the Arab World. To camouflage their deeds and create a diversion for the masses, Sadat,
Qaddafi and Assad formed the Federation of Arab Republics on September 1, allegedly as a first
step to "Arab unity” but in fact, as a means of safeguarding their regimes from revolution.

Thus the present Arab ruling cliques returned to the positions held by their predecessors on the eve
of 1948: Islamic fundamentalism, class collaboration, anti-communism. It would seem that the Arab
ruling classes would rather embrace Zionism, live under the yoke of American imperialism and

96

retard the historic evolution of their societies, than submit to the will of the masses, abdicate power,
or let other forces of progress lead the revolution. The petit bourgeoisie of the Arab world has
become a spent historic force; it is incapable of coping with such crucial issues as oil, Israel,
poverty. Its approach was revealed in Sadat's speech, on July 23, 1971, the nineteenth anniversary
of the Egyptian revolution: he singled out the Popular Front for attack and contempt, declared war
on Israel five times and withdrew twenty-five times and applauded King Feisal for his moderation
and statesmanship. No reference was made to the abolition of poverty, the struggle against
imperialism, or the liberation of Palestine. Sadat's historic speech made it clear that the principal
contradiction was not imperialism, but the revolution, He therefore formed a new axis with Feisal
and decided to become the new arbiter of Palestinian and Arab fortunes, Both are now trying to
arrange for a rapprochement between the "honest" resistance groups and Hussein, and they have
persuaded the Executive Committee of the PLO to go along, with the exception of the Popular
Front.

In September-October, 1971, the resistance negotiated with Hussein in Jedda under Feisal’s
auspices. The Popular Front, in conformity with the will of the fighters, disclosed that the Executive
Committee had agreed to conciliation (September 8, 1971) and denounced the so-called mediation
attempts of the personal representative of Feisal and Sadat, With this exposure ends the story of
Arabs in action and reaction with regard to twenty-three years of Palestinian Diaspora. But there is
a ray of hope on the horizon: the people no longer believe their leaders, the underground forces are
multiplying in number, and the Popular Front is deepening its roots-it is still the hope for the future
of the Palestinian people.

Leilia Khaled, 1971

97

Leilia Khaled, 2002

Since this book was completed Leila Khaled has been doing "mass political work", organising the
guerrilla camps and contriving to recruit supporters. She and I work closely together in the
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Now that Leila is known throughout the world, her
picture having appeared in every western newspaper, we are not likely to permit her in the
foreseeable future to participate in foreign, political or military missions. Her role is now to work
inside the Arab world for the day when our people can once again return to their homeland,

George Hajar
February 1973

My People Shall Live

The Autobiography of a Revolutionary

Pt. 2

LEILA KHALED

PART TWO: The Declaration of a New Humanity - Resistance
and Revolution

4 The Road to Haifa

Haifa was seized by the Zionists and converted into a European city. It is an extension of Europe's
decadence and dehumanisation. Haifa cannot be recovered by special prayers to Moshe Dayan. It
can only be negated by the birth of a new Palestine, Jewish and Arab.

Abou Salem

THE ARAB MASSES HAD FOR OVER A DOZEN YEARS pinned their hopes on Nasser to
liberate them from Zionism and from their local oppressors. In 1967, after the June tornado,
Nasserism lay in shambles.

‘As Moshe Dayan sat in his office waiting for a telephone call from Cairo expressing Nasser's desire
to sign an enduring peace treaty with Israel, the apologists of Nasserism and Baathism were
explaining their defeat in terms of "negligence, over-confidence, poor generalship", instead of
underlining the real reasons for Israel's stunning victory-decadent Arab social order, corrupt social
class, incompetent leadership. Meanwhile, the Zionists interpreted their victory as a sign of divine
grace and choice, the victory of racial superiority and western technology, a proclamation of Sabra
morale and social cohesiveness. Yet for reasons not understood by the imperialist forces, Nasser did
not make the expected call to Dayan, He had no desire to capitulate and had he done so the
Egyptian people would have burnt him at the stake. Indeed, no Arab leader, however reactionary,
would dare to make peace with Dayan or any other Zionist bully in the future unless he were totally
suicidal, The Palestinian people, however, made a call to Dayan, but it was a call of bombs in broad
daylight. The Palestinians had entered the picture as a decisive social force. We decided to make our
own history, to speak for ourselves, to seize our own destiny. No sooner had we arrived on the
scene, however, than the Egyptians and Americans, the Israelis and Russians, the Gaullists and
Britons, and all the forces of "peace", coalesced and resolved to stamp us out.

On the eve of the June War, it appeared to those outside the halls of power that the US and the
Soviet Union were on a collision course. To those in the know, however, something very different
was happening, Here is Lester Vellie's inside account from Countdown In the Holy Land:

For three years and nine months the line (that line between the Kremlin and the White House) had
remained blessedly quiet, carrying only test messages and New Year's Day greetings. Then, Monday
morning, June 5, came the electrifying news that Moscow had activated it seriously for the first
time. But the message was a reassuring one: the Soviet Union would keep hands off the Middle East
War, provided the US did the same. In a cautiously worded reply, Johnson agreed.

Mr. Johnson's "cautiously worded reply" was a simple way of keeping his options flexible. He was
assured by his CIA, Pentagon, and State Department officers that Israel would win within four days.
Had these calculations gone wrong, however, there was no doubt that the US would have
intervened. According to Vellie, whose source is the State Department and Pentagon, it was morally
and practically "inconceivable" that the US would not intervene:

42
Israel is one of the few democracies in all Asia and the Middle East. Since the world regards the US
as Israel's protector, whether the US wishes to be or not, Israel's destruction, with Soviet help, while
the US stood idly by would send tremors of fear throughout the non-communist world. Further, if
Israel went down, no other pro-western nations in the Middle East would be safe from Nasser and
the Russians.

If the decision of the two superpowers "not to intervene" had been taken on June 5, and they
seemed to be on a collusion rather than a collision course, what then was the value of that verbal
combat at the UN and why was the Special Emergency Session of the General Assembly called by
the Soviet Union? The verbal exchange at the UN had only psychological impact as both powers
resumed rearming their respective clients instantaneously. On June 19, 1967, Kosygin, leading a
high-powered Soviet delegation at the UN, condemned Israel as an aggressor, demanded that Israel
withdraw to the June 4 borders, and urged the UN to make Israel pay reparations for damages
inflicted on the Arabs. One hour before Kosygin delivered his speech, President Johnson outlined
the American position on the Middle East before the National Foreign Policy Conference for
Educators in Washington, Here are the "five great principles" of peace which were, in effect, the
substantive points of the Eban rebuttal to Mr. Kosygin’s speech at the UN. The five points
emphasised the right to life of all the nations in the area; justice for the refugee; respect for maritime
rights; filing of reports by all UN member nations on their arms ships to the Middle East; respect
for political independence and territorial integrity based on peace. (The last point also advised
"adequate recognition of the special interests of three great religions in the holy places of
Jerusalem")

Lam certain that if a comparison were made between what Johnson said in Washington and Eban
said at the UN, it would reveal systematic collaboration between their coterie of writers, if not
collective authorship of the two speeches. Be that as it may, however, the crucial point to remember
here is that the speeches of both reflected the viewpoint of the victor. It is obvious why most of the
dwarf states at the UN-African, Latin and Asian thought that Johnson and Eban were reasonable,
impartial and indeed magnanimous in victory. Since the Soviets were on the side of the vanquished
and had substituted propaganda for collective action with the Arabs, there was no other course of
action they could adopt. Both participants and spectators refused to take note of the following

(a) all UN spokesmen who purported to speak for Palestine denied the Palestinians peoplehood and
classified the Palestinians as refugees;

(b) they all regarded the conflict as being Arab governments versus a Jewish state, as opposed to the
conception of the conflict as being Arab versus Zionist and, oppressed versus imperialist
oppressors;

(c) they all prescribed some kind of regional political solution between existing political entities,
instead of envisaging the creation of a new social order where Arab and Jew could be self-
determining within the framework of a unified, Arab socialist republic.

Therefore, by definition, all states proposed solutions that had to be rejected by the Palestinians
with alarm, Every solution that presupposed the continued existence of the Zionist state in our midst
‘was antithetical to the Arab social revolution.

The deafening verbal blasts at the UN only concealed the political chicanery. The vanquished
accepted a cease-fire on the basis of the accomplished military conquest, The UN passed no
resolution demanding Israeli withdrawal. It merely established observer groups on both sides of the
Suez Canal and the Israelis settled down to building Nabals (para-military colonies) and kubbutzim
all over the area referred to firstly as "conquered, then "administered zones" and now "liberated"
territories. The Soviets and Americans returned to the regular autumn Session of the General
Assembly and delivered more bombast, reiterated their previous positions and presented the same

43
resolutions. The Arab diplomats talked as if they were the conqueror, and demanded complete
Israeli withdrawal. They invoked the principles of Western morality and justice, not realising that
those very principles were the very ones used to justify Zionist "humanity" towards the Arabs.
Finally, with the agreement or acquiescence of all concerned, the UN Security Council unanimously
passed its famous British (242) resolution on November 22, 1967. Here is the preamble and the
operative paragraphs of the resolution:

The Security Council,
Expressing its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle East,

Emphasising the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just
and lasting peace in which every state in that area can live in security,

Emphasising further that all member states in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations
have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article z of the Charter.

1. Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting
peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:

(i) Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories of recent conflict;

(i) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every state in the area and their right
to live in peace within secure and recognised boundaries free from threats or acts of force.

2. Affirms further the necessity
(a) for guaranteeing freedom of navigation through international waterways in the area;

(b) for achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem; (c) for guaranteeing the territorial
inviolability and political independence of every state in the area, through measures including the
establishment of demilitarised zones;

3. Requests the Secretary General to designate a special representative to proceed to the Middle
East to establish and maintain contacts with the states concerned in order to promote agreement and
assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and
principles in this resolution.

4, Requests the Secretary General to report to the Security Council on the progress of the efforts of
the special representative as soon as possible.

Resolution 242 obviously embodies the points proclaimed by Mr. Johnson in his speech of June 19,
and includes the Soviet-Arab demand of Israeli withdrawal without specification or insistence on
total and immediate withdrawal. More importantly, however, while the resolution refers to the
"inadmissibility” of the acquisition of territory by war, it ipso facto sanctions Israel's conquest by
offering to trade her conquest for "secure and recognised boundaries” and by conferring on Israel all
the legitimate attributes of permanent and unchallenged statehood,

Lastly, the resolution paternalistically alludes to a "just settlement of the refugee problem", as
were some kind of environmental pollution that had to be grappled with, while the "territorial
inviolability and political independence of every state in the area” are upheld and guaranteed.
Western diplomatists claimed that resolution 242 represented "a solid gain for Western diplomacy",
and a serious reversal for the Soviet Union's Middle East policy. In an anti-climactic speech on
November 23, 1967, President Nasser gave his response to the infamous resolution 242. Nasser
enumerated Egypt's war losses and disclosed that eighty per cent of its military equipment was
destroyed; that over 100,000 soldiers and 1500 officers were killed and more than 5500 men were
taken prisoner. Then with all the strength he could muster, Nasser declared that he was stronger in
November than he was in May of 1967. But his ambivalent but weak position was revealed by his
iplicit acceptance of 242 and he could merely argue that 242 was "insufficient and unclear”.

The atmosphere at this time was bleak for me. I was uncertain and despondent. In the autumn 1
retumed to Kuwait and compared notes with my colleagues. Those who had been in the occupied
territories were indignant and talked about the possibilities of armed struggle; those who had visited
elsewhere in the Arab world came back angered, frustrated, confused, dismayed. Nothing changed
the atmosphere drastically that autumn, With the approach of the new year, news of renewed Fateh
activity was filtering into Kuwait and I was told in a hushed tone by a friend that the Popular Front
for the Liberation of Palestine had been proclaimed in November. No other concrete information
reached us regarding the PFLP. While I was in Lebanon during the summer, I was unable to make
any direct contacts with my former associates outside of Sour. For a whole academic year I was
unaware of PFLP developments. And since the open ANM cells had been eliminated in 1965-66 in
Kuwait, there was less opportunity to convert the ANM branch into PFLP cells, although the
transformation was being carried out in other parts of the Arab world, There was nothing else to do
but to try and participate in Fateh activities. I did.

At the outset, most of the teachers who were politically inclined had no clear idea of what action to
take, Nothing was happening as we settled into another monotonous year of teaching. We
continued, as usual, our campaign of indoctrinating the students and discussing how Nasserism
failed to unify and defend the Arab world, We focused on the latter point as a defensive posture
against attacks on the Palestinians for causing the Egyptian debacle. It seemed then that the general
public sympathised with President Nasser and felt that the easiest way of silencing the Palestinians
was to use them as scapegoats. My colleagues and I didn't feel guilty, we merely went on the
defensive. Later we used the attacks as starting-points to criticise not Nasser but Nasserism.

Fateh was the only revolutionary organisation whose activities were tolerated in Kuwait. The PLO,
although recognised as a legal Palestinian entity by the government, had neither leaders nor
followers of any significant number. I myself had outgrown my original lukewarm sympathies for it
and sought another outlet for my political energies. Fateh, having renewed its military operations on
August 18, 1967, presented an opportunity and a challenge. Along with our principal and a handful
of tears, I endeavoured to work through Fateh to liberate Palestine. I had been raised in the good
ANM tradition of question and debate. For every project we undertook, for every action we
contemplated, for every view we held, the ANM had offered a rationale, a way of ascertaining and
examining the facts, an opportunity to propose alternative programmes. Fateh was something new
in my experience. Our sole function was fundraising, We were not a part of the policy-making
processes, but merely spectators or ticket agents in the temple of Fateh. Periodically, nebulous
lectures were given; speakers always remained within the realm of glittering generalities in dealing
with the strategy, ideology, financing, and recruiting of the movement.

Initially I thought it was impertinent on my part to ask too many questions since I was a novice in
Fateh’s ranks. Then I decided that I, as a Palestinian, should know what we were doing to create a
new Palestine, I began pressing for answers. To whom was the movement accountable? Why had it
accepted funds from Saudi Arabia and other reactionary sources? What was the nature of Fateh's
socio-economic programme? Why had Fateh tried to isolate itself from the Arab masses? More
importantly, I wanted to know what women could do beyond fund-raising? Most of the answers
were not forthcoming and those that were were extremely inadequate. We were told that the
movement was autonomous and its leaders must remain anonymous for security reasons. Fateh, as I
learned later, was the most open secret in the world, where the pseudonyms and the real names of
the leaders were known to the whole world, and the movement acted and operated in the open in

45
Amman before the eyes of friends and foes. As to why funds were accepted from Saudi Arabia, my
education commissar informed me that in the liberation stage we must ally ourselves even with the
devil in order to win, He insisted that only the Palestinians should be allowed to participate in the
revolution. At that time, Fateh did not recruit or accept Arab recruits in its ranks, but later slightly
modified the rule under pressure. As if the Arabs were a different race of people. Abu Ali was not
convincing; he only increased my doubts. Yet, I continued to work through Fateh because I had no
alternative, He often asked me why I was so troublesome and asked so many embarrassing
questions. I always said: "Abu Ali, we can't win unless we have a reasonably clear programme and
organised members, Besides, we must know the whole truth regarding the revolution, not only its
slogans."

By posing questions I triggered off a chain of events that higher officials had to deal with. Friends
and supporters of the movement were growing uneasy because the relationship with Fateh was
solely material, not a relationship sustained by political interaction or participation in the political
process. My message was getting through to my audience. I asked questions in a restrained manner
and was too well known and too generous a contributor to be dismissed as an unftiendly critic.
Fateh had to provide the answers. A prominent person came to see me, Fathi Arafat, brother of
Yassir, the leader of Fateh. We had a long talk and exchanged ideas. The most important point 1
raised was the question of women and their role in Fateh. I pleaded with him to let me join their
military wing, Al-Assifah, because I had been militarily trained for years. I was prepared to go on
patrols and operations inside the occupied territories. He promised to see what he could do and
report back to me. A month later Fathi asked me if I could go to Al Aghwar on the Jordanian side of
the River Jordan, I enthusiastically said yes and made plans. To this day he has not returned to tell
me when and where to report or whom to contact. Meanwhile, my fellow Fatehites in Kuwait were
kind enough to find a role for me. They proposed that a group of us do something creative for the
summer of 1968. They suggested we could perform two important tasks-assisting overworked
mothers in the "refugee" camps and visiting the families of our martyrs. "Social work", I scoffed, "is
not social revolution. I want to participate fully in the revolution.” Such talk was eclipsed on March
21, when Fateh scored a historic first and the tide of Arab despondency began to ebb. It was the
Battle of Karameh, March 21, 1968, the making and undoing of Fateh

Karameh was a Palestinian city on the east side of the River Jordan, created out of nothing by the
Palestinians after 1948, It was a symbol of hope and dignity. The Israelis tried to obliterate Karameh
and failed, for the first time in their long string of military victories. They were trounced ina
psychological sense, but victorious if we measure the operation in strict military terms. It was a
turning-point and the Arab news media inflated the incident to make it appear as if the liberation of
Palestine was just around the corner. Thousands of volunteers poured in; gold was collected in
kilos, arms came by the ton, Fateh, a movement of a few hundred semi-trained guerrillas, suddenly
appeared to the Arabs like the Chinese liberation army on the eve of October, 1949 Even King
Hussein declared that he was a commando! The Arab Palestinian masses felt that in a few months
Palestine was going to be recovered. The euphoric atmosphere gathered momentum as the Arab
governments joined the chorus of Fateh adherents, supplying it with rockets, military transport,
artillery, ete. They made the revolution affluent. The Arab governments needed Fateh as a shield to
cover up their own incompetence, Fateh became a folksong, a fashion, a fetish, Its leaders, cadres,
office clerks were regarded as saviours, saints and seraphims. Fateh with Yassir Arafat as its
chairman was flirting with the PLO. In July 1968, while Fateh and the PLO were playing hide-and-
seek and enjoying the comfort of the Nile Hilton, three lonely revolutionaries performed a dramatic
history-making feat, which the new PLO denounced. The Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine seized an El-Al aeroplane of the Israeli semi-military, semi-civilian air lines, The aircraft
was taken to the Arab state of Algeria and the latter released the plane and passengers without
insisting on exchanging them, Israel, the world Zionist conclave, the imperialists, the Arab states,

46

‘The incident was an eye-opener for me. It was the beginning of the end of my exile, I was about to
be liberated; I had found an alternative to Fateh, and I sought to make contacts with the PFLP.

At about the same time in a seemingly insignificant event, a YWCA American girl, Jane Marlowe,
came to live at our house in Sour for a week. She was placed in our home because my younger
sister Khaledia had some relations with the YWCA and because most of us spoke English at home.
Jane was a typical Yankee do-gooder who came to Sour to teach the "refugees" swimming, drawing,
fun and games. Jane, like most American missionaries who come to the Arab world-whatever the
garb they wear-was a "pacifist" who advocated peace among the semitic brothers, thinking there
was plenty of room for all of us in the region, We tried to tell her that the issue was not only
territory, but imperialism and Zionism and whether the Arab and Jewish masses were going to
determine their future for themselves or allow the vampires of American and Zionist high finance to
determine it for them. Jane told us that the word "vampire" was a hyperbole and lectured us on the
necessity of using analytical language rather than emotion-laden slogans, She was not as perceptive
and well-informed as she claimed and in a few minutes we discovered where her real, liberal
sympathies lay, She referred to Fateh as a terrorist organisation that deliberately mined roads and
killed Israeli school children. She showed how colour-blind and profound she was by telling us that
the Palestinians should live among their brothers in the Arab states and avoid being discriminated
against in Israel, We smiled sardonically as Jane revealed her ignorance of the plight of the
Palestinians, She was blissfully unaware that she was spouting the Zionist line about the Palestinian
problem and advocating the "final solution” that the Zionists proposed for our eternal peace. Jane
had read her New York Times well and pontificated "objectively" on the need for "peace and
stability” in the area. She was a Catholic girl from the Bronx who knew what was good for Arabs
and Jews.

We heatedly debated both sides of "Arab-Israeli conflict”, the morality of hijacking, the legitimacy
of revolutionary violence. She was aware of the Phantoms her government supplied to Israel to
maintain "the balance of power" in the Middle East, and she was opposed to the Zionist privilege of
collecting tax-free dollars from America. But she saw all these things in terms of "the arms race"
and Russia's expansionist policies. She did concede the right of the oppressed to take up arms
against their oppressors, and saw the political value of hijacking, if not the morality. I explained to
her that the Israelis held thousands of Arab prisoners and threatened the lives of Palestinians daily.
If she wanted to be impartially ethical, she must pass moral judgments on the Israelis, not on us,
because our actions were merely sporadic responses to a tyrannical social system. Although she
remained "liberal" in her attitude, she posed some poignant questions that had a lasting impact on
me.

"Are you a refugee, Leila?" she said to me, "Technically yes, emotionally no," I replied. "I am no
longer a refugee because I am a revolutionary.” She looked around her and surveyed our apartment
building, then pointedly asked: "Do you expect to live in Palestine more luxuriously than you are
living here, if and when you get there?" "Pethaps not, but that is not important," I answered. "It is,
very important," she insisted, "because you wouldn't give up what you have here and you're not
doing anything personally to reach your goals.”

Jane stunned me, My mind went blank. I thought for a minute and admitted, "Jane, you are right. I
am only talking. I haven't done anything concrete." To calm myself, I went to the veranda, looked
longingly southward to the mountains beyond in Palestine, and secretly promised to join in the
struggle of my people. Jane was feeling triumphant as I returned inside. I spoke sorrowfully, "The
Palestinians are a hard-working people, but they are a dissipated people; a good many have
educated themselves well but so few, including the Khaled family, are doing anything to express

47
their collective existence as a people." I looked at my younger brothers who had angrily attacked
Jane for criticising the El-Al hijack and for being a Zionist. I said in English, "The lady from
America has been a good teacher. She has forced us to recognise and think about our obligations to
our people. We ought not to be angry with her but thank her for helping us expose ourselves to
ourselves. We must act, not just talk and memorise the arguments against Zionism." My brothers,
ashamed, withdrew from the room, Jane and I sat down for a heart-to-heart talk.

Before and during my association with Fateh I had misgivings about its political and ideological
attitudes, but it was the foreign operations of the PFLP as well as Fateh’s embrace of the PLO which
made me realise that Fateh was not the best Palestinian response to its enemies. I was finally
convinced when I heard heroic tales of the PFLP underground from my fellow teachers who had
been in the occupied territories.

I resolved that I must join the PFLP. The problem was how to contact their underground in Kuwait.
One day it happened by accident. 1 was passing by the South Arabian Bookstore where a man was
selling PFLP Christmas cards. I looked carefully at his cards, all the while trying to determine
whether or not he was a member of the PFLP or just a friend. He wouldn't comment himself. |
pleaded, "I want to get in touch with the PFLP very badly and I want to join, believe me, I want to
join, [ama Palestinian, I want to fight, I want to go to the occupied territories, Please tell me whom
to see or contact. Surely if you are a supporter of the PF you'll help me.”

He listened to my plea, and told me to return the following Thursday afternoon between three and
four and he'd introduce me to the local representative. I was overjoyed. I arrived two hours before
the appointed time and waited inside the Bookstore, leafing through journals, pamphlets and books
of the Arab and international left. Precisely at three, a tall, handsome young man walked into the
Bookstore. He looked very solemn as he greeted the cards "salesman’. I presumed he was the PF
man, | introduced myself. He was reserved and courteous. I told him who I was and said I was
anxious to join their military underground, He gave me a comradely pat on the shoulders and said:
[regret to inform you, Leila, that you have to be educated first." "Educated?" I said as I drew
away. "Iam a teacher and I know how to read and write and all that." "No, Leila, I didn't mean
educated in that sense," Abu Nidal said. "You'll have to study the ideology and strategy of the PFLP
and work with the other comrades first, then we will decide where your talents could best be put in
the service of the revolution.” I interrupted. "I want to fight, I can't wait, and what do I need such a
fancy language for anyway?" Patiently Abu Nidal explained: "Leila, the liberation of Palestine is
going to be a long, long struggle. You will have ample time to prove your prowess. Believe me, if
you're capable of fighting and wish to fight, the PF will not hesitate to send you anywhere you're
needed." I was cheered by his reassuring promise but I wanted to make sure that I was not going to
be left stranded. "What should I do then?" I asked, "First of all," he said, "you will have to spread
the word at your place of work and form a study group to educate yourselves and undertake various
projects to help the PF financially. Next week we will meet here again and continue our discussion.
We will get in touch with you if you forget to get in touch with us." I left the Bookstore and went
home at peace with myself. I felt I was on the road to Haifa. I was coming out of the abyss.

The same evening I contacted some of my close friends. We spent the whole night together,
evaluating the political affiliation and commitment of each teacher. We decided that we had a large
number of sympathisers and could probably form a cell in a few weeks.

From now on we met regularly every week and I saw Abu Nidal periodically to obtain PF literature
and advice, Abu Nidal also put me in touch with some former comrades from the old ANM who had
joined the PF. We were slowly building a PF network in Kuwait. The assault on the El-A1 plane on
December 26, 1968 in Athens gave us a big push, especially after December 28, when the Israelis,
raided Beirut International Airport and destroyed thirteen Middle East Airlines planes. We thanked
the Israelis for enlisting Lebanese support for the revolution and admired their audacity in blowing

48
up planes that were seventy to eighty per cent American owned. From our vantage point we were
anxious to see the consequences. The world was at last forced to take notice of Palestinian actions.
‘The Arab press couldn't ignore them, nor could the Zionists conceal them. The Israelis had helped
the cause more than we dared contemplate by their prompt and decisive "reprisal". It seemed the
more spectacular the action the better the morale of our people, We looked forward to more.

Here is the aim of the Palestine revolution a

s spelled out in the PF programme.

The Palestinian liberation movement is not racist or hostile to the Jews. It is not aimed at the Jewish
people. Its aim is to break the Israeli military, political and economic entity which is based on
aggression, expansion and organic unity with the interests of imperialism in our homeland, It is
against Zionism as a racist aggressive movement in alliance with imperialism. Zionism has
capitalised on the suffering of the Jewish people to serve its interests and those of imperialism in
this rich part of the world, which is the gateway to the countries of Africa and Asia. The aim of the
Palestinian liberation movement is the establishment of a national democratic state in Palestine in
which the Arabs and Jews can live as equal citizens with regard to rights and duties, forming an
integral part of the democratic progressive Arab national existence which will live peacefully with
all the progressive forces in the world.

The Palestinian liberation movement is a progressive national movement against the forces of
aggression and imperialism, The link between the interests of imperialism and the continued
existence of Israel will make our war against the latter basically a war against imperialism. On the
other hand the link between the Palestinian liberation movement and the Arab progressive
movement will make our war against Israel that of 100 million Arabs in their national and unified
struggle. The battle of Palestine today, and all the objective circumstances surrounding it, will make
the war a starting point for the attainment of the interconnected aims of the Arab revolution,

Lastly the Palestinian war, as far as the Palestinian and Arab people are concerned, will lead to the
civilisation of the Arabs and result in the transition of the Arab people from the state of under-
development to the requirements of modern life. Through our war of liberation we shall acquire
political awareness of the facts of this age, and we shall throw aside delusions and learn the value of
facts. The habits of under-development exemplified in surrender, dependence, individuality,
tribalism, laziness, anarchy and extemporisation will be changed, through the war of liberation, In
their place will come: the realisation of the value of time, organisation, accuracy, objective thinking,
the importance of collective action, planning, total mobilisation; interest in education and
acquisition of all its weapons, and knowledge of the value of the human being; the freeing of
woman-half of society-from the bondage of decadent habits and customs; the basis of nationalism

in confronting dangers and the supremacy of this connection over tribalism and regionalism. Our
long-term national war of liberation implies our fusion ina new way of life and our starting point

on the road of progress and civilisation.

‘The enemy camp is defined as follows:

(1) The enemy of the Arabs in the war of liberation is Israel, Zionism, world imperialism and Arab
reaction.

(2) This enemy has definite technological superiority which naturally is converted to military
superiority and a great fighting force.

(3) The enemy has long experience in opposing the people's development towards economic and
political liberation, It has the ability to abort revolutions.

(4) The nature of the war of liberation, as far as the main military base of this enemy-Israel-is
concerned, is a war of life or death which the political and military leadership inside Israel will

49
attempt to fight until the last breath The National Front and the forces that constitute the revolution:

s of the
this direction.

‘We consider Palestinian national unity as essential in the mobilisation of all the fore
revolution to resist the enemy camp. On this basis we should adopt a definite stand

(5) The form of national unity is the creation of a front in which all the classes of the revolution-
workers, peasants and petit bourgeoisie-should be represented,

We should attend actively to the mobilisation of workers and peasants in one revolutionary political
organisation armed with the ideology of scientific socialism. On this bas e should actively
attempt to unify all the left-wing Palestinian organisations which, through dialogue between them
and through their experience, can commit themselves to such an analysis.

The petit bourgeoisie will not join an organisation committed to scientific socialism and strong
political organisation. Thus it will join those Palestinian organisations which raise general liberal
slogans, avoid clarity in thinking and analysis of class structure, and exist in an organisational form
that does not require of the petit bourgeoisie more than its capacity. In other words, the petit
bourgeoisie will fill, in the first place, the ranks of El-Fateh and the Palestine Liberation
Organisation (PLO).

On this basis, and on the basis of our understanding of the basic conflict, the nature of the present
phase and the necessity of national unity to assemble all the forces of the revolution to resist Israel,
we should work for the establishment of a national front with El-Fateh and the PLO which can offer
the war of liberation the necessary class alliance on the one hand, and protect the right of each class
to view the war and plan for it in accordance with its class vision on the other.

Our study group was rapidly mastering the strategy and ideology of the PF and moving towards the
cell stage. On the advice of Abu Nidal we were studying more advanced radical books and
broadening our horizons when another Palestinian woman revolutionary made world headlines and
shook our movement. The morning of February 18 was just another day for me. As usual I got up at
five-thirty a.m. to prepare breakfast and listen to the BBC news. Suddenly I heard over the air the
name of Amina Dhahbour. She had been in on an attack on an El-Al plane at Zurich, She was the
first woman to participate in a foreign operation. The news struck me like lightning, A Palestinian
woman, a revolutionary, in the citadel of financial capitalism! Fortunately the BBC announcers
regularly repeat the major news items and read them over in detail for I wasn't certain at first
whether I was hearing or imagining,

Iran out in my pyjamas screaming throughout the dormitory, "She did it! She did it! Palestine will
be free!" Everyone thought that I had gone mad, But I made sure that everyone got the message: A
Palestinian woman was fighting while we were talking in far-away Kuwait, Within a few minutes
we were all celebrating the liberation of Palestine and the liberation of women, Fateh and PF
women embraced and danced the Palestine Debke together in the corridors of El-Shaab, The PFLP
had earned its way to the El-Shaab teaching staff and their wallets, We decided that henceforth all
funds collected must be distributed equally between Fateh and the PF. The Fateh sisters acquiesced;
they had no choice. The school became a beehive for the resistance. Even the pupils were turned
into revolutionary salesmen and fundraisers. We indoctrinated them so well that some of them
turned out to be more effective supporters of the resistance than many of us.

That same day I called comrade Abu Nidal and informed him that I wanted to join the Spe:
Operations Squad. He agreed. From then on I received advanced, highly specialised training. It was
now only a matter of time until I participated in a foreign military operation. The hour of reckoning
was drawing closer for me.

While I engaged in intensive training, I continued teaching and converted my study group into a

50
tradition-breaking cell, In Kuwait politics were forbidden but six women decided to stake career
and reputation in the name of resistance, On an April morning, the Moslem Easter, we marched to
the centre of Kuwait carrying PF collection boxes and requesting donations. At first the other
women were not enthusiastic; they were frightened. I was shameless and fearless; nothing mattered
to me but the revolution, We quickly discovered that the people were more advanced than we
thought. They not only contributed generously, but urged us to mobilise others to help canvas the
whole city, which we did. The women joined the vanguard. The masses filled our coffers. No one,
not even official sources, criticised our action. Kuwait city was ready to join the move to social
progress.

Encouraged by this response, I decided to earn some money for the PF by tutoring in English and
by using the talent for hairdressing that I had acquired in Lebanon as a youngster. Without revealing
details of my political affiliation, I applied for and got a job in a beauty salon for the two week
Easter vacation. After hours I worked tirelessly to raise funds for the PF. I seized every opportunity
to propagate the cause, One day an affluent looking lady who must have been pleased by the
hairstyle I gave her, gave me a twenty-five fils tip. I hesitated for a moment, then accepted it and
gave her a receipt for it. The lady was surprised when she saw the stamp of the Popular Front on it.
But she gave me another dinar and wished the PF well. My employer who had witnessed the
exchange was not angry. She said that she sympathised with the cause, but she asked me to keep my
politics to myself. I was especially careful and courteous in dealing with people and she said such
revolutionary qualities were necessary for Arab women, When I left she gave me my pay plus a five
dinar donation to the PF, The PF was indeed making friends.

Iwas not, however, the happiest of women. The party was making me do this sort of work that I
didn't enjoy. I was restless for action. That spring I said goodbye to teaching and to my Kuwaiti
friends: my time had come. I headed for Amman, My Russian-made gun, the Seminof, became my
companion!

When I arrived in Amman, the city was swarming with guerrillas. It felt good to be a Palestinian in
one’s homeland. Within a few days, with twenty women comrades I was taken to a military camp
north of Amman where we were to undergo more intensive and specialised training. Here I met the
legendary heroine of our underground in the occupied territory, Rashida Obeida. She was a truly
ipressive human being as well as a beautiful woman. She knew how to handle a gun and she knew
when to use it for the cause. I made friends with her and Feihaa Abdul El-Hadi almost immediately.

Before we embarked on a mission to test our endurance, the head of the military school, comrade
Hassan, gave us a final briefing in which he distinguished between mere political agitation and
fund-raising and politico-military work. He concluded his speech by saying "This phase of our work
harsh and, severe. Once you start it you can't withdraw until the objective is accomplished,
Therefore," he continued, "examine your consciences, comrades, and see if you're really up to it-if
not, please depart in peace.” Startled, we each looked around and wondered whether we should
proceed or withdraw. A three hour "struggle session" followed, The arguments centred around
whether our training was going to be used or whether we were just, training for contingencies. We
also argued about individuality, the role of women in the Movement and the kind of relationship we
were going to have with parents, boy friends or husbands. Ifa woman decided to commit herself to
this phase of the revolution it meant the final break with her past and relegating her private life and
desires to a secondary position. If she was unable to accept these terms, then she could make a
partial commitment to become a supporter or a friend of the resistance rather than train to become a
professional revolutionary. Those who chose the military option were to remain for further training.
The women who thought of the training period as a pleasant summer promenade began to retreat.
Rashida and | immediately upbraided the comrade who pointed out that she had no formal
permission from her parents to be in the camp. Rashida told her bluntly: "Sister, if at twenty-five,
you still have to depend on your mother's approval, you do not belong in the Popular Front. You

51
should go back home and ask your mother to find you a husband and prepare an attractive dowry
for you." I was less harsh than Rashida. "Look sisters, Palestine beckons us to redeem her and here
we are squabbling among ourselves about parents and families. I think we should overcome this
kind of adolescence and act as grown-up women, not as appendages to our men or maids to our
parents." I looked Salwa in the eye and said, "If you wish to leave, no one will stop you. If you're
incapable of acting as a mature and self-determining woman, return home for further ‘training’.” In
the heat of the debate three women collapsed under the pressure and decided they didn't belong in
this phase of the work.

Comrade Hassan re-entered the tent as the sunshine patriots departed. He wished them well. The
rest of us hurried to make plans for survival in the arid mountains of Jordan, Night was settling in.
The plains and the cities below were our guardians. I was tense and didn't sleep well that night.
Most of us were very on edge for the next few days. Some had misgivings, others feared the
unknown, I realised that at last my dream was coming true and overcame my tenseness. I had no
time for prolonged doubt or fright. I had lived that agonising period months before. I was ready for
action

Action was forthcoming, but not in the expected form. On the third night of our stay in the
mountains, a comrade guard was nervously watching for Zionist infiltrators and walking gingerly
when she heard a strange sound. She ordered the infiltrator to stop and identify himself. He didn't,
She fired into the darkness. In seconds everyone in the camp was crawling on their stomachs in
search of the enemy. Soulafah continued firing as we zeroed in on the target, knowing that if she
killed one intruder, at least two or three others must be at large in the vicinity. We quickly found out
that there were none and that the comrade guard had indeed scored: she had killed a donkey
invader! We had a brief meeting and decided to pay the owners of the donkey the required price, but
no one ever claimed the poor wandering beast.

A few days after the donkey affair, there were no jokes. Our intelligence relayed a message that the
Israelis were planning to bomb our camp at five a.m. on June 5, to celebrate the second anniversary
of the June War. At three a.m, I had just returned from manoeuvres and wanted to catch an hour or
two of sleep. But Comrade Bassim ordered us to depart immediately and made preparations to
move out heavy equipment. It so happened that we were being visited that evening by a group of
Iraqi artists who wanted to live the revolution and witness the work of revolutionaries. The comrade
artists had their fill that night as they joined our column's march in darkness. At the appointed time
the Israeli bombers swooped over the area, dropped their flares and bombs without being
challenged and turned the early morning sunshine into a blinding column of smoke. They strafed
the whole region for several minutes with their hell of iron and destruction and then returned home
safely, We were helpless, Hussein's air force was on the ground; it was not intended for use against
the Israelis but against the Palestinians who didn't own a single civilian plane. The world’s press
reported the incident as Israeli reconnaissance and termed the second anniversary of the June War
“peaceful”. We returned to camp, rebuilt it in a few days, and resumed our preparations to confront
the Zionist enemy.

At camp I did my utmost to prove that I was fit to be a good guerrilla fighter. I carried out orders
conscientiously. My instructors offered no criticism, expressed no admiration, and had no particular
plan for me. I knew that the PF leadership would take my personal desires into consideration, but
would decide what missions I was to undertake on the basis of my potential and performances.

The training schedule was exacting, but occasionally left us time for a little fun. We were
“entertaining” a group of foreign students and trying to lead a Bedouin kind of life in order to
politicise our Bedouin population. The students had been attending an international solidarity
meeting in Amman held under the auspices of the General Union of Palestinian Students. Most
were graduates of the 1968 university upheavals in the West. We found it very amusing that they

52
honestly believed they were making a "revolution" if they undressed in public, seized a university
building, or shouted an obscenity at bureaucrats. I was initially opposed and refused to talk to them,
even though some believed in violent revolution, because I didn’t want to be another experimental
"guinea-pig" to Westerners. I finally relented and I am glad I did, I hadn't met Western
“revolutionaries” before. It tuned out they represented an unfamiliar cultural rather than a political
phenomenon, Some seemed to have read the historic political literature of the left, but most
regarded the Marxist-Leninist leaders disdainfully, with the exception of the "Young Marx", who
held some sort of fascination for a few of them, Though we were impressed by their moral integrity
and personal dedication, we felt their ideology and strategy had little to do with the making of
revolution, Some Americans were quite serious and believed in the historic mission of the working
class and were making plans to integrate themselves with the masses. What astonished us most
about this group was that they were opposed to nationalism, a doctrine we hold dearly as a
colonised and dissipated people. Some believed in violence for "the hell of it" and in students as
revolutionary agents of history. But the majority were inclined towards guerrilla theatre as a means
of "making revolution”, They performed a little for us.

‘As they were departing I was rather struck by a French anarchist student who proclaimed "Let
chaos reign" and by a German who echoed the same sentiment. I exclaimed that the Palestinian
people were an example of a society in chaos without authority and leadership, which as a result,
was left at the mercy of the Zionist oppressor. I asked them what could they prescribe for us in
order to overcome our kind of "alienation" -beards, long hair, and toy guns? They merely paused,
they smiled, they reflected, they inhaled and passed their joints on in universal wonder.

One of the most serious problems the resistance has experienced and one that it has failed to face is
the integration of the Palestinian and Jordanian masses. Fateh made no genuine effort to reach the
people in Jordan, We in the Front believed not only in Arab unity in general, but also in the
indissolubility of the Jordanian and Palestinian people. Hence we worked with the Bedouin
population near our camp and we were able to win them over to the side of the revolution. We even
trained a large number of them in the art of espionage and offered them ideological as well as
military training. Our open and friendly relations with them enabled some of us to visit their tents
and give talks to whole families and sometimes even whole tribes.

1, along with our squad commander, Bassim, were frequent visitors and occasionally we were
invited as guests to their feasts. I remember vividly the night we attended a wedding dinner
celebrated before the parents of the bride took their daughter to the groom's tent. A desert moon
whispered love to those assembled; it was a night to love and be loved. Gracious maidens danced,
their flowing rainbow-coloured robes touching our cheeks gently. All was joy, all was fun, Bassim
and I were beginning to fall in love

But before we could share in the pleasure of the occasion a messenger suddenly rushed in and
handed me a two-word note: return immediately. I leapt to my feet, wished the bride well and
returned hurriedly to camp. The commander was curt, "We received an order saying you should be
in Beirut tomorrow at ten a.m, It is now 9 p.m." I immediately packed my belongings and headed to
Amman and out to Beirut, not knowing what was in the offing for me, There were some
complications on the border with Syria, but they were settled and I reached Beirut in time.

The comrade who was waiting for me looked casual and friendly as I stormed in spouting indignant
protests, "I told you that I make my own decisions. I don't want to leave the Front now after all that
training and hard work." He was puzzled for a moment, "I know that, that is why I sent for you.
Why are you shouting?"

apologised. "I thought you were going to release me under pressure from the family."

He smiled reassuringly, then his tone became very serious, "Comrade Khaled, would you be ready

53
to go to prison?”

"Yes," I replied without hesitation.
Will you break down under torture?"
"No."

"Are you ready to die?"
"Yes. Why do you ask these questions, don't you believe the oath of honour I took?,"

"Yes," he muttered apologetically. "Then let us proceed to the next point," I said impatiently. He
paused as if to make his words more solemn, "Leila, you have a mission to undertake. Go home and
say goodbye to your family. Come back tomorrow at ten." I was overjoyed by the news and didn't
even dare ask exactly what the mission would be.

At home mother was most suspicious when I announced that I was going back to Kuwait, She
noticed that I had purchased no new clothes and I appeared absorbed in something. Mother said,
"Leila, 1 am going to cook you a real Palestinian dish of Maklouba with Lebanese Kubeh. I have a
feeling I am not going to see you for a while, and its way too early in the summer for you to be
going to Kuwait.” I was delighted. "Wonderful mother, do it. I have truly missed your cooking in
the past year." We had a pleasant family meal, but my mind was on the mysterious mission,

In the morning I left for Beirut. Abu Zeid was waiting. With a glint in his eyes he calmly said,
"Leila, you are going to hijack a TWA plane." I burst out laughing. He was taken aback. "Why are
you laughing?" he asked. "Comrade Abu Zeid," I said, "do you know what passed through my mind
when you said that? | imagined I was going to carry the plane on my shoulders and run away with

it. I envisioned the guards and all sorts of people running after me." He replied gravely, "Just get the
plane and don't let anyone foil your plan." I rehearsed the whole plan until I had memorised every
detail. I was on my way to Rome, not on a romantic adventure, but on a mission against US
imperialism,

5 Palestine in America
We must grow tough, but without ever losing our tenderness.
Che Guevara, 1967

THE ARAB PEOPLE ARE FREQUENTLY ACCUSED BY THEIR opponents and sometimes by
their friends of being too emotional. I, as a Palestine Arab woman, have something to be
legitimately emotional about: the loss of my home and community and the denial of my present and
future. But I am not going to succumb to emotionalism and allow my feelings to blind my reason
and undermine my confidence in the capacity of my people to liberate their land. In spite of the
power of the enemy, I intend to rely on revolutionary ideology and strategy and mass mobilisation
to achieve our objectives. In my work I have chosen to be the ally of reason, not passion, and my
party, the Popular Front, also analyses and reasons before acting.

We do not embark haphazardly on adventurous and romantic individualistic projects to fulfill
"individual needs" or "act out of frustrations and hostiliti is Western "scientific" psychologists
hypothesise, We act collectively in a planned manner either to neutralise a prospective friend of the

34
enemy or to expose a vital nerve of the enemy and, above all, to dramatise our own plight and to
express our resolute determination to alter "the new realities" that Mr. Moshe Dayan's armies have
created. Generally, we act not with a view to crippling the enemy because we lack the power to do
so-but with a view to disseminating revolutionary propaganda, sowing terror in the heart of the
enemy, mobilising our masses, making our cause international, rallying the forces of progress on
our side, and underscoring our grievances, before an unresponsive Zionist inspired and Zionist-
informed Western public opinion. As a comrade has said: We act heroically in a cowardly world to
prove that the enemy is not invincible. We act "violently" in order to blow the wax out of the ears of
the deaf Western liberals and to remove the straws that block their vision, We act as revolutionaries
to inspire the masses and to trigger off the revolutionary upheaval in an era of counter-revolution.
Dr. Habash, the Secretary General of the PFLP, has stated our human dilemma and our ethical view
thus:

After 22 years of injustice and inhuman living in camps with nobody caring for us, we feel that we
have the very full right to protect our revolution, we have all the right to protect our revolution, Our
Code of Morals is Our Revolution. What serves our revolution, what helps our revolution, what
protects our revolution is right, is very right and honourable and very noble and very beautiful,
because our revolution means justice, means having our homes back, having back our country,
which is a very just and noble aim.

(June 12, 1970)

I do not see how my oppressor could sit in judgment on my response to his oppressive actions
against me, He is in no position to render an impartial judgment or to accuse me of air piracy and
hijacking when he has hijacked my home and hijacked me and my people out of our land. If the
enemy defines morality and legality in his own terms and decides to apply his ethical and legal
doctrines against me because he has the power as well as the means of communications to justify
his inhumanity, I am under no moral obligation to listen, let alone obey his dictates. Indeed, I am
under a moral obligation to resist and to fight to death the enemy's moral corruption. My deed
cannot be evaluated without examining the underlying causes. The revolutionary deed I carried out
on August 29, 1969 was an assertion of my spurned humanity, a declaration of the humanity of
Palestinians, It was an act of protest against the West for its pro-Zionist (therefore anti Palestir
posture. The list of the sins of the West is overwhelming.

Germany, according to Zionism, has "atoned" for the incineration of six million Jews by the
payment of nine billion marks in "reparations" to the state of Israel, the "haven" of a united Zionist
Jewry. It has since 1965 almost wholly identified with Israel, especially before and during the June
War, when the former Nazi chancellor offered to give the Israelis "gas masks" to protect them from
"Arab bacteriological warfare". Israel for her part has entertained Joseph Strauss and sold Uzzi
rifles to Germany.

France has not only supplied Israel with Mysteres, Super Mysteres and Mirages, but has allowed the
Israelis to "steal" French gunboats from Cherbourg, contrary to De Gaulle's wishes. De Gaulle
merely "relieved" the general who turned over the boats to Israel. Guy Mollet, the French Socialist
prime minister, conspired with Ben Gurion and Anthony Eden and invaded Egypt in 1956. France
provided Israel with the scientific know-how and material to manufacture the atomic bomb at
Dimona and labelled the plutonium-producing plant a “textile factory”.

Switzerland, the neutral country, has not only detained Arab revolutionaries and released the
murderers of Palestinians, but has also closed its eyes to Zionist kidnappers who killed scientists
working for my people. Switzerland has let go practically unpunished Zionists who stole its own
state secrets and advanced Mystere blueprints,

55
England has been guilty of every imaginable crime against my people. Its historic crime is the
assassination of my personality, the rape of my land, the obliteration of my history.

America has perpetuated Britain's crimes. It has supplied Israel with Hawk missiles, Skyhawk and
Phantom fighter bombers. America is the defender, apologist and financier of Israel in every world
forum, at every bankers’ conference, America is Israel; Israel is America and Europe combined in
Palestine.

I do not wish further to burden my reader by our indictment of the West for the crimes it has
committed against me and my people, because that alone requires a volume in itself. I merely wish
to make some references to the policies of the chief imperialist, America, in order to explain the
timing of my revolutionary deed and to illustrate further the bitterness and animosity we harbour
towards US imperialism.

On August 29, 1969, Richard Milhous Nixon, the President of the United States, was scheduled to
address the 72nd annual meeting of the Zionist Organisation of America. The Popular Front knew
what Nixon was going to say because he had said it all before and said it very vociferously when he
visited "victorious" Israel in August of 1967 in the aftermath of the June War, He told the Israelis
that they would be "foolish to give up any of the territory occupied in the June War without
receiving the guarantees of a just peace" that the Israeli leaders were demanding, Furthermore,
Nixon made a joint appearance with Hubert Humphrey before the Jewish B'nai B'rith on September
8, 1968 in Washington. (Mr. Humphrey seized this opportunity to make his first formal speech of
the election campaign, and he too demonstrated his political loyalty and friendship to "besieged
Zion".) Here is an excerpt from Mr. Nixon's speech before B'nai B'rith, the "humanitarian-inelined”
Zionist organisation:

Israel must possess sufficient military power to deter an attack. As long as the threat of an Arab
attack remains direct and imminent, "sufficient power" means the balance must be tipped in Israel's
favour. For that reason-to provide Israel a valid self-defence - I support a policy that would give
Israel a technological military margin to more than offset her neighbour's numerical superiority. If
maintaining that margin should require that the United States supply Israel with Phantom F4 jets,
we should supply those jets.

Nixon also stated that "the danger of war increases in direct proportion to the confidence of certain
Arab leaders that they could win the war", What generates that confidence and impels the Arabs to
think of war is, of course, the Soviet Union, a state that has "stepped up their anti-semitic
propaganda, concocting a ‘Zionist plot’ in Prague to win support in the Middle East"

It is my view that for Israel to take formal and final possession of the occupied territories would be
a grave mistake [but] it is not realistic to expect Israel to surrender vital bargaining counters in the
absence of a genuine peace and effective guarantees. Israel's enemies can afford to fight and lose
and come back to fight again; Israel cannot afford to lose once. America knows that, and America is
determined that Israel is here in the family of nations to stay. America supports Israel because we
believe in the self-determination of nations. America supports Israel because we oppose aggression
in every form. America supports Israel because its example offers a long range hope to the Middle
East.

Vice-President Humphrey, along with Senators Robert F. Kennedy and Eugene McCarthy, had
promised to continue military aid to Israel, including jets, until peace was established in the Middle
East. Nixon, however, was much more emphatic. In Houston, Texas, on September 6, 1968 he had
declared

Ihave the general principle that to maintain the uneasy peace in the Middle East, it is vital that
Israel maintain a superiority as against its neighbours, and if it takes Phantom jets, then they shall
have Phantom jets

56
Although we had expected Mr, Nixon to appear in person at the Zionist meeting in Los Angeles on
August 29, 1969, as TWA flight 840 took off from Rome, he did not. Instead, he sent a letter to the
president, Mr. Jacques Torezyner, who read it to his fellow Zionists on behalf of Mr. Nixon. The
letter stated that America was committed to "friendly relations with Israel" and cited the
organisation "for strengthening Israel's social and economic foundations and the cultural ties
between its people and their friends in America”. Nixon regarded "these efforts" as being "in the
highest American tradition", and assured the Zionists that his government sought "a Middle East
arms balance" that favoured Israel's "continued military superiority”.

‘As the Zionists were gathering in Los Angeles with California Governor Ronald Reagan and Golda
Meir, I was having a pleasant chat with the Singer Sewing Machine Company's Middle East agent
on my way to Rome to divert TWA flight 840 to Damascus,

[had trained for every conceivable contingency; I had mastered most operational details of the great
Boeing 707. There was something, however, I did not train for: the human situation, How to deal
with idle or curious conversationalists. How not to arouse their suspicions or be rude to a seat-mate.
Thad to improvise and felt very uncomfortable. I imagined that all the Westerners aboard knew
about my mission,

My seat-mate from Beirut to Rome was a clean-cut sociable American on his way to New York. I
knew that Americans, like most other tourists, like to make casual conversation about everything
under the sun. I didn't realise that they posed personal questions so directly and so nonchalantly. Mr.
Holden must have been bored, and he wanted to talk. "Where are you going?" he asked to open the
conversation, "I am going to Rome," I said.

"Why are you going to Rome?" he continued.

I paused momentarily to fabricate an answer, and said with simulated shyness, "I am going to meet
my fiance who is coming from London to meet me in Rome in a few days." I suddenly realised I
had made a slip. What if he too were going to Rome, and asked me to dinner or something while I
was waiting for my "fiance". I swiftly corrected my mistake by adding, "It is quite possible that he
might surprise me and be waiting for me at the airport.”

Then I asked him, "Where are you going?"
"To New York," he said, much to my relief.

He was determined not to let the conversation lapse. "How on earth would an Arab girl be going to
Rome to meet her fiance alone and get married?" he asked. I answered in a superficially self-
assured tone, "I've known him since we were children, and we've been engaged for several years;
besides, we are moder, not traditional Arabs.” "That's good," he said, and started telling me how he
and his wife had eloped because her parents had disapproved of him, As [ assured him that I was
not eloping, the stewardess cheerfully announced that there was a newly-married couple on the
plane and they had a huge cake they would like us to share. "Who would like to have some cake?"
she said, Everybody, including Mr. Holden and I, chanted in a chorus of "I would." In the midst of
this jolly atmosphere, Mr, Holden asked, as if to dampen my enthusiasm for marriage,. "How come
you're getting married when your fiance is still a student and without a career?" I smiled. "We're not
filthy-rich oil kings, but we're rich enough to afford it while we're young." "Then," he said, "may I
suggest that you spend your honeymoon on a yacht by yourselves, on a Mediterranean cruise.” I
interrupted, protesting "I'd rather be among people." He slyly asked, "Are you going to marry the
people?" "No," I said, "but I love being with people.”

‘As I cleared customs and claimed my luggage, I had to face a porter who insisted on helping me,
and then asked "When can I see you -tonight?" I was angered by his forwardness, and firmly said,
"Lam engaged; I am sorry," resorting to the traditional stewardess's reply. I had to face the same

37
problem with another man on the bus into Rome. By now I was running out of patience, especially
as my suitor squeezed close to me and practically tried to hold me in his arms without having
spoken to me. I said furiously, "Take your hand off me. You're about to drive me out of the bus with
your pushiness.” He did, and he didn’t dare make any other overtures all the way,

I spent two days at the hotel fending off invitations for personally guided tours of Rome, During
these two days, I walked the streets of Rome alone. It is strange, but I had no desire to purchase
anything, see Rome's ancient glory, or even go to a film. I only walked and walked, contemplating
my mission and reciting its details to myself.

Early on the morning of August 29, I checked out of the hotel and caught a bus to Fiumicino Airport
on the outskirts of Rome. Happily, the only snag was a half-hour flight delay. My associate, whom I
recognised only from a photograph, appeared on schedule and we exchanged pre-arranged signals.
His name was Salim Issawi; he was a Palestinian from Haifa who had been raised in Syria. Salim
sat quietly nearby and we tried to ignore each other.

All was going smoothly when suddenly the human element threatened our careful planning, A few
seats away there was a little girl with a button on her dress cheerfully proclaiming "Make Friends"
That message brought me up short, forced me to remind myself, as I watched her playing with her
little sister, that this child had committed no crime against me or my people. It would be cruel to
imperil her life by hijacking a plane, the symbolic meaning of which she had no conception -a plane
that could explode during our attempted seizure or be blown up by Israeli anti-aireraft fire when we
entered the "Israeli airspace”.

While these qualms pricked my conscience, the whole history of Palestine and her children came
before my eyes. I saw everything from the first day of my exile. I saw my people homeless, hungry,
barefoot. The twice "refugee" children of Bagan camp near Amman seemed to stand, a humiliated
multitude, in front of me saying, "We too are children and we are a part of the human race." The
scene strengthened me enormously. I said to myself, "What crime did I and my people perpetrate
against anyone to deserve the fate we have suffered?” The answer was "None". The operation must
be carried out. There can be no doubt or retreat. My children have spoken,

On the bus across the field to the Boeing 707, another unscheduled problem developed. A handsome
man in his early thirties came up to me and said "Hello" in a most jovial, enthusiastic manner.
"Hello," I replied nonchalantly, as I calmly tried to read My Friend Che by Ricardo Rojo. He
seemed very eager to talk and asked me who I was and where I was going. I couldn't very well
repeat the marriage tale and couldn't invent anything quickly enough. I said, "Guess."

He tried, "Greek, Spanish, Italian?” I asked him where he was from. "Lam from Chicago," he
answered, and continued his questioning. "You wouldn't be South American, would you?" Now that
I knew where he was from, I figured it was safe to say that I was a South American, I thought it
might end his questioning, at least. "From Brazil?" he asked, looking admiringly at me, and ogling
my whole body. "You're getting closer," I said.

"Bolivia?" "Yes," I replied, "but how did you know?" "It's your book that gave you away," he
declared. 1 asked him what he thought of Che. "Good man," he said. "Where are you going?" I
countered, trying to change to a less controversial topic. "To Athens, to see my mother. I haven't
seen her in fifteen years. I bet she's there already, waiting for me at the airport." I was astounded,
and almost told him, "You bloody fool, you'd better get off this plane, because it isn't going to
Athens." [ tried to ignore him and closed my ears to keep his voice from penetrating my inner
conscience. I plunged into a nervous reading of My Friend Che.

This encounter made me stop and think, because I understood the longing for one’s own country.
However, I rationalised his plight by making a distinction between his "exile", which was voluntary,
and mine, which was forced, But these human encounters made me decide to be extra careful not to

58
jeopardise the lives of the passengers unnecessarily, Their welfare, however, did not and could not
cripple my operation. The deed had to be carried out. There was no turning back.

The plane was airborne for only twenty minutes before the hostesses were graciously trying to serve
their five first-class passengers. Neither Salim nor I was anxious to eat. The stewardesses were very
solicitous. They offered us drinks and peanuts. Anything we wanted. | settled for a coffee, Salim for
a beer. But they made us nervous, as they kept returning and asking us if we wanted anything else. I
pretended that I had a stomach ache and asked for a blanket. | innocently placed it over my lap, so I
could take my hand grenade out of my purse and put my pistol right in the top of my trousers
without being noticed. Salim asked for an aspirin tablet. I was afraid the stewardess might suspect
something had she realised that two passengers opposite each other in the first row were sick, In any
case, | dreaded the prospect of having a companion with a headache, so was relieved when he
merely pocketed the aspirin, Seconds after the only other male passenger in the first class section
returned from the small lounge, I gestured to Salim to proceed to the cockpit. Just at that moment,
another hostess carrying the crew's lunch trays was opening the door of the cockpit. Salim seized
the opportunity and leapt in ahead of her, She screamed, "Oh no!" and her trays flew in the air,
causing much noise but no injury. I was behind Salim and ordered the stewardess to get out of the
way. She did, quivering and watching us over her shoulder. Salim was so huge that he blocked my
view, and I couldn't see the reaction of the crew. I could, however, hear him say that the plane had
been taken over by the Che Guevara Commando Unit of the PFLP, and announce that the new
captain was Shadiah Abu Ghazalah

In the middle of his speech, my pistol slipped down the leg of my trousers and, as I bent down to
pick it up, I saw the bewildered looks on the crew's faces. I suppose all they could see was part of
my wide-brimmed chic hat. I felt ridiculous for a moment, laughed at my ineptness, put the pistol
away, and entered the cockpit solemnly brandishing my hand grenade and declaring I was the new
captain. The crew were completely shocked to see me there, but they showed no fear. To
demonstrate my credibility, I immediately offered my predecessor, Captain Carter, the safety pin
from the grenade as a souvenir, He respectfully declined it. I dropped it at his feet and made my
speech, "If you obey my orders, all will be well; if not, you will be responsible for the safety of
passengers and aircraft.”

"Go to Lydda," | instructed. "To Lod 2" he queried, using the Israeli name. "You understand
English, don't you?" I said curtly. "You just listen to my orders and don't ask silly questions." Since
I knew the plane carried fuel for almost three hours and 45 minutes, | decided to reaffirm my
authority by testing the flight engineer. I tuned towards him and asked, "How much fuel do you
have, flight engineer?" "For two hours," he promptly replied, without even looking at the fuel
gauge. "Liar," I shouted, and told him that I knew just as much as he did about the Boeing, and that
if he ever lied to me again I'd break his neck. The pilot tried to calm me down, He thought I was
angry, but I was actually overjoyed. He warned the crew not to be obstinate in dealing with their
new captain.

Realising that he was prepared to co-operate, I asked Captain Carter to radio Rome so that I could
explain my action to the Italian people. He explained that we were too far away. I insisted that he
try. He did, We had no luck. I asked a steward to bring our hand luggage forward, and then ordered
m and the other first-class passengers to move to the tourist section. Next I demanded that the
intercom system be turned on. All orders were complied with, and I read the following message to
the passengers:

Ladies and gentlemen, your attention please, Kindly fasten your seat belts. This is your new captain
speaking. The Che Guevara Commando Unit of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
which has taken over command of this TWA flight demands that all passengers on board adhere to
the following instructions.

59
Remain seated and keep calm.

For your own safety, place your hands behind your head. Make no move which would endanger the
lives of other passengers on this plane.

‘We will consider all your demands within the safe limits of our plan. Among you is a passenger
responsible for the death and misery of a number of Palestinian men, women and children, on
behalf of whom we are carrying out this operation to bring this assassin before a revolutionary
Palestinian court. The rest of you will be honourable guests of the heroic Palestinian people in a
hospitable, friendly country. Every one of you, regardless of religion or nationality, is guaranteed
freedom to go wherever he pleases as soon as the plane is safely landed.

Our destination

a friendly country, and friendly people will receive you,

As I completed reading the message, I observed that the plane had swerved off the course I charted
for it. l ordered the captain not to play games if he wanted to reach our destination safely and put
him on course again. Then Salim reminded me that fifteen minutes had elapsed since the passengers
were asked to hold their hands behind their heads. I quickly advised them to relax and to drink
champagne if they so desired, and offered an apology for inconveniencing them,

Shortly afterwards, a stewardess came in and explained that most of the passengers didn't
understand English, didn't know what we had said, and would like us to repeat the message. She
even offered to translate it into French for them. I repeated the message and assured them that
everything was normal, that there was only one person on the plane we were after. Later, this was
interpreted by the press as indicating that we were after the Israeli ambassador to the US, General
Itzhak Rabin of June War fame, We were not, and if we had been, I would not have boarded flight
840 at Rome, since I saw all the passengers and knew that Rabin was not among them. Saleh Al
Moualim, an Israeli Arab on board, must have thought that he was the person we meant, because he
became very jittery and frightened. The selective terror tactic worked; the passengers’ fear
diminished and everyone co-operated with us. In explaining the message to the passengers, I told
them that we detested the American government's Middle East actions, and held no grudge against
any individual person, They were frightened, however, when I announced that we intended to blow
up the plane upon arrival in a friendly country. I announced this only an hour before reaching
Damascus,

Meanwhile, I resumed radio contact with the ground, sending messages of solidarity to the Greek
revolutionaries and to the people of South Europe. I demanded that the Greek colonels release our
jprisoned revolutionaries, and said that the CIA plotters would be toppled by the Greek people.
All went according to plan, until we got the Egyptian observation tower on our wave-length. I
identified myself to the controller in Arabic and asked him to convey to the Egyptian people the
greetings of the Palestinian revolution. I advised him that I was going to Lydda, and his voice
crackled: "Allah, to Lydda, what will you do there?" "Visit the fatherland," I said. "Are you sure of
that?" "I certainly am," I replied enthusiastically. He tried to tell me that it was too dangerous. I
switched him off, then relented momentarily as he sereamed, "Oh Front, Oh Popular, Oh Arab
Palestine!" but the rest of the appeal was too incoherent and inaudible.

Within minutes, I could see the coast of my Palestine in the haze. As we approached the land of my
birth, it seemed that my love and I were racing towards each other for an eternal embrace. I rushed
towards my beloved and saw Palestine for the first time since my forced exile in 1948. I was lost in
a moment of passion and meditation. Then I remembered the mission and ordered the pilot to
descend, and I addressed a message in Arabic to my fellow exiles in occupied Palestine, telling
them we shall return and we shall recover the land. I advised them to remain steadfast and promised
to smash the Zionist fortress of conceit. I told Lydda tower in Arabic that we were going to land. He
didn't understand, the pilot said, and told us we should ask for clearance and wait. I said, "This is

60
my country. I do not need permission from the Zionist vultures to land."

I spoke to the tower in English, saying: "Here we come again. Shadiah Abu Ghaselah has come
back to life, There are millions of Shadiahs who will be returning again and again to reclaim the
land.” The Israeli tower must have been terrified for a while because I said that we intended to blow
up the plane right in the airport. In seconds three Israeli Mirages appeared on the horizon and tried
to prevent us from landing. I turned the intercom on so that the passengers could hear the exchange.

I declared anew that the pilot and the Israelis were responsible for the safety of the passengers and
the plane, and that we intended to do no harm to anyone if our orders were obeyed. The co-pilot
asked if he could speak to the Israelis and I let him. He said, "Popular Front, Free Arab Palestine,
Armed people have threatened to explode the plane with hand grenades if your Mirages don't clear
out.” Until this moment the Israeli tower was still addressing us as TWA 840. My patience ran out
and I told him to shut up and turned him off, saying that there will be no further communications
until he addressed us as Popular Front, Free Arab Palestine.

In seconds he did so as we swung around my beloved Haifa. The pilot asked, "What shall I do
now?" I said, "Let's take a seven-minute tour of the fatherland.” My father's image appeared before
my eyes, and I could hear his voice saying "When will we return home?" My whole world came
together. I was silent. I looked out at the greenery and mountains of Palestine. I could see Tel Aviv
below. I wept out of affection and longing, and said softly, "Father, we shall return, We shall redeem
your honour and restore your dignity. We shall become the sovereign of the land some day."
Suddenly, | remembered that the mission preceded personal emotions. | instructed the pilot, "Go to
Lebanon, where my people live as refugees.” The Israeli planes continued to pursue us. At the
Lebanese border, they zoomed away. I called Cyprus and sent greetings to its heroic anti-imperialist
fighters, and sent messages to my people in South Lebanon. The pilot interrupted. "We must ask for
clearance from Beirut." "We don't need to ask for clearance," I said, "This is an Arab country." We
circled Beirut briefly before I ordered the pilot to go on to Damascus. He objected, "The airport
there couldn't accommodate the Boeing 707.” "Look, do you think we're so backward that we
couldn't handle your damned plane?" I said strongly. He didn't respond, I took the microphone and
addressed the passengers for the last time: "Evacuate immediately on landing; have a happy holiday
in Syria. I trust we shall have a smooth landing.”

The fuel gauge was reading empty; the pilot sought clearance and I ordered him to land
immediately on the runway farthest from the air terminal. "Let's have a smooth landing," I said,
"because if I fall, the hand grenade could explode and that would be a terrible anticlimax to a happy
journey." He landed smoothly and in less than three minutes the plane was empty. Salim and I tried
to tell the passengers to slow down and to take their personal belongings with them. Most ran out
barefooted. Even the crew left their jackets behind, As Captain Carter stepped out, I saluted and
thanked him for his co-operation, He looked at me in astonishment, The co-pilot said, "You're most
welcome."

I checked the plane. All the passengers had left. Salim wired the cockpit and lit the fuse. I slid out
on one of the torn emergency chutes and fell to the ground on my rear. Salim followed and landed
on my shoulders, The plane did not explode as scheduled. Salim’s personal courage made him climb
back in and set everything in motion once more, When Syrian soldiers arrived on the scene, I
distracted them by saying, "The Israeli officers ran in that direction. Go and get them." Salim was
still in the plane. I feared for his safety, but admired his heroism and selfless devotion. I tried to leap
in and couldn't. Suddenly he appeared and waved reassuringly. The Boeing still did not explode. He
fired a few shots into the wing of the plane, but there was no fuel left, so it wouldn't readily ignite.
When sparks finally fluttered, we took cover twenty yards away. Half a mile away, the passengers

in the terminal watched the bonfire and the explosion of the Boeing. The Syrian soldiers returned,
astounded, They were even more surprised when Salim and I surrendered to them and turned over

61
our weapons. The Al--Hadaf photographer, who was parachuted by the Front to film our landing
and the explosion, was so excited that he forgot to remove the lens cap from his camera.

Our Syrian hosts took us to the air terminal, where I delivered a brief speech to the passengers:

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for your kind attention and co-operation during the flight. Lam
captain Shadiah Abu Ghazalah, That's not my name; my name is Khaleda, Shadiah is an immortal
woman who wrote: "Heroes are often forgotten, but their legends and memories are the property
and heritage of the people." That is something historians and analysts cannot understand. Shadiah
will not be forgotten by the Popular Front and by the generation of revolutionaries she helped
mould in the path of revolution, I would like you to know that Shadiah was a Palestinian Arab
woman from Nablus; that she was a schoolteacher and a member of the Popular Front underground;
that she died in an explosion at her own home at the age of twenty-one on November 21, 1968,
while manufacturing hand grenades for the Front. She was the first woman martyr of our revolution.
T assumed her name on flight $40 to tell the world about the crimes the Israelis inflict upon our
people and to demonstrate to you that they make no distinctions between men, women and children,
But for their own propaganda objectives they repeatedly state in your press how we attack their
“innocent” women and children and how cruel we are. I want you to know that we love children,
too, and we certainly do not aim our guns at them, We diverted flight 840 because TWA is one of
the largest American airlines that services the Israeli air routes and, more importantly, because it is
an American plane. The American government is Israel's staunchest supporter. It supplies Israel
with weapons for our destruction. It gives the Zionists tax-free American dollars. It supports Israel
at world conferences. It helps them in every possible way. We are against America because she is an
imperialist country. And our unit is called the Che Guevara Commando Unit because we abhor
America's assassination of Che and because we are a part of the Third World and the world
revolution. Che was an apostle of that revolution, We took the plane to Haifa because Comrade
Salim and I come from Haifa, Both of us were evicted in 1948, We took you to Tel Aviv as an act of
defiance and challenge to the Israclis and to demonstrate their impotence when the Arabs embark on
offensive rather then defensive strategy. We brought you to Damascus because Syria is the pulsating
heart of the Arab homeland and because the Syrians are a good and generous people. We hope you
will enjoy your stay in Damascus. We hope you will go home and tell your friends not to go to
Israel-to the Middle East war zone, Please tell your neighbours that we are a people like you who
wish to live in peace and security in our country, governing ourselves. Please tell the Americans that
if they hate war and the exploitation of others, they should stop their government from making war
on us and helping the Israelis to deprive us of our land. Tell your people that coming to Israel helps
her to deny our rights, Revolution and peace. Greetings to all lovers of the oppressed!

It was nearly seven p.m., August 29, 1969. As I concluded my speech, I saw my Greek friend
sobbing, and an American woman trying to assuage him, I do not think he recognised me as his bus
companion, Salim and I mixed with the passengers and distributed sweets to the children, Two old
ladies were consoling each other; one was saying she was "wet" and the other was telling her to
thank God for having arrived in Damascus alive, The Syrian authorities cleared the passengers
through customs and took them to hotels in Damascus. They released all of them with the exception
of six Israelis. One American woman was taken to hospital with a broken ankle. On September 3,
four Israelis were released; later the other two were exchanged for two Syrian air force pilots in
Israeli custody and a handful of imprisoned fighters. Salim and I were taken to police headquarters.

Although we had arrived at the airport to the cheers of the Syrian crowds, the Syrian officials were
not that friendly. An arrogant colonel started his investigation by demanding, "What do you think
you are?" "Soldiers, like you," I said. "No," he angrily replied, "you are a terrorist organisation.”
"Hey," I said, "am 1 in Israel or the Syrian Arab Republic, the advocate of revolutionary warfare
The colonel didn't like my tone of voice. "This action is not fedayeen-like. It is terrorism," he said.
"Look," I explained, "I am a soldier who carried out her assignment. If you wish to debate the

62
validity and legitimacy of our revolutionary strategy, we'll be happy to do it with you, but not in a
police station." "Where did you train?" "I will answer no further questions, since I already gave you
my name and told you what party I belong to."

The colonel ordered us to be held in dingy little rooms and gave us two blankets each. At about
cleven-thirty p.m., we were taken from our cells to the second floor for further interrogation. I gave
my name as Khaleda and they obviously knew it was false. The officer in charge was rather suave
and clever. He ordered his assistants to bring us dinner and proceeded to tell us how he strongly
identified with the Palestine revolution, 1 interrupted, "That is not the colonel's view." "What
colonel?" he said. "You should know," I answered.

The assistants brought food, and I declined it, declaring, "I won't eat until I am released." "Where
will you go if released?” he asked. "To my country, Palestine," I said. The officer enquired about
many things, and my answer was an emphatic "No comment" to every question. Late that night, 1
asked to go to the bathroom, and I was accompanied by a male policeman who was under orders to
search me before I went in. I dared him to touch me, and threatened to attack him and scream rape if
he did, He ignored the orders and took me back to my windowless cell. I asked the male guard to
buy me a packet of cigarettes; he refused, doling out one cigarette at a time for the remainder of the
night, Since I was unable to sleep, see anyone or talk, I kept the guard marching me back and forth
to the bathroom all night. I do not know who was more exhausted by morning. I continued that,
strategy for the next four nights,

On the moming of August 31, breakfast was brought in and I declined to eat again, announcing that
Iwas on a hunger strike. By then I hadn't had a good meal in three days and I was smoking very
heavily. I was also getting bored being in isolation but knowing full well that my comrades were
joyously celebrating my deed. Around noon, I twisted the edge of the rusty iron partition between
‘me and Salim and we started whispering to each other face to face. I told him about the "wet lady"
at the airport, and we laughed boisterously about it. The guard heard the noise and ran towards the
cell thinking I must have gone mad. He asked me to share the joke with him. I refused to say
anything. But when he realised that I was still sane, he looked around my cell, and found the hole.
He accused me of being a terrorist, and threatened dire consequences if I widened the hole. I dared
him, "Go and tell your superiors.”

‘That afternoon, another colonel came to visit us, but he was in civilian clothes. He was smoother
than his predecessors. He introduced himself as a Palestinian pilot with the Syrian air force from Al-
Nassera, "My name is Azzani," he said, "and I have just returned from the front bringing you the
revolutionary greetings of the fighters.” I said, "If you recognise us as revolutionaries, why are you
holding us in prison?” "Why are you on a hunger strike?" he asked, without answering my question.
I said, "Because I am being treated like a criminal, and I protest very strongly against these insulting
interrogations of intelligence officers like yourself.” He asked if I needed anything or any money. 1
replied proudly, "I have money and the only thing I want is departure from this Baath prison.” He
left without comment.

On September 1, I felt very weak and tired. Stomach ache, headache, general fatigue seemed to
have overtaken me. I began to feel dizzy, but I still refused to eat. That evening I fainted on my way
to the bathroom, and it took them a few minutes to revive me. The Syrians were very disturbed and
called in a doctor who tried to persuade me to eat some yoghourt or drink something other than
coffee. I insisted "No" and passed out again, All I remember after that was a nurse bathing my face,
and Salim carrying me to a hospital ambulance. I was not fully conscious until the morning of
September 2, when, with a sense of inner peace and self-fulfilment, I sat down in the hospital and
wrote a few notes, taking my inspiration from Che's immortal dictum: "We must grow tough, but
without ever losing our tenderness."

"What a beautiful passage, but more beautiful is the tradition of revolutionary tenderness. 1 am not

63
sure that I have practised that art effectively. Others will have to pass judgment on my deed, Lam
certain, though, that the capitalist press regarded my deed as an ‘outrage’ and urged their
governments to prosecute those criminals ruthlessly or to extradite them to other countries where
they could be prosecuted.

"Lam somewhere in Damascus. I was placed here after I carried out my mi
my revolutionary duty against the enemy.

ion. After I performed

"It was a momentous second in my life when I put my fingers on the trigger and ordered the enemy
to obey my command. All my life I dreamt of carrying arms to aim at the enemy-that vengeful
enemy who raped our land and has expropriated our homes without compensation,

"Oh Palestine! I am ready to die and I shall live by dying for thee!

"Oh my homeland! My love, my only love! I shall revolt against thine enemies, all enemies. I shall
make bombs from the atoms of my body and weave a new Palestine from the fabric of my soul.
With all my power and the power of my sisters, we shall convert our existence into bombs to
redeem the land, the coast, the mountain, We shall fight and fight

"Oh! I seem to be forgetting myself. I am writing as if I were a poet. Poetry is also part of our
armoury, but deeds are a sharper aspect of our weaponry.

"Oh God! When will the deprivation end? When will I return to my home-to embrace life in its
fullest? There in Haifa I shall live, for I feel choked here.

"L feel oversatiated for having beaten the CIA. And why not? Hadn't Salim Issawi and I hit at the
heart of America and its power? Let America give Israel all the weapons she requests. I am sure my
people shall live. I am in the observation tower and nothing frightens me. My people are being
steeled by struggle against the imperialist and Zionist enemies.

"remember the moment I entered the pilot's cabin and how he shivered before me. How the words
of surrender flowed from his lips: 'O.K., all right, I'l do whatever you want, Now tell me what to
do!

"He was stunned by my deed. 1am certain he cursed Israel and America a thousand times in the
silence of his heart. "What an exciting occasion to force every air tower, including that of Israel to
broadcast our slogans: ‘Popular Front, Free Arab Palestine.’

"The pilot was the first to shout our slogan. He said it with a quivering voice. He is a middle class
American who was taught to love himself more than anything else. I have no doubts that selfishness
is an American virtue that manifests itself when Americans are not acting collectively under a
victorious leadership. I remember how they fled from the Japanese and how they retreated like
sheep in the Far East. I don't think the pilot cared to sacrifice himself for America,

"What a splendid moment in my life when I flew over the homeland in an enemy plane. Oh, my
God! What a beautiful land, I felt like landing and dying at the hands of my enemy. To land, to melt
into the eternity of the land and to form part of the soil of Palestine ... But our revolutionary nobility
jpelled me to sacrifice my personal wishes for a union with the land in order to save the children
who committed no sin against me or my people. The passengers are not guilty of any crime, As for
our part, aren't we the friends of all peoples?

"Now I remember the moment I communicated with Cairo and conveyed our revolutionary
greetings to the Egyptian Arab people. The Cairo tower wanted to know where we were heading. I
told him Lydda. “Lord, no!" he said, “Yes, Lydda,’ I said, 'God! -and what are you going to do there?
"We are going for a visit, I said,

"Moments after I was in touch with the Lydda tower, which insisted on calling me TWA 840. I told
him sternly to shut up and refused to answer him until he addressed me: Popular Front, Free Arab

64
Palestine-exacting such concessions from a Zionist stooge was indeed an achievement.

"The Israelis thought that Salim and I were going to explode the plane and its passengers. What
fools! They must think we're a bunch of suicidal gangsters like their leaders.

"In Damascus we indeed exploded the cockpit of the imperialist plane as an expression of our
strategy, which aims at hitting the imperialist interests wherever they may be. The Popular Front
will destroy the treasonous enemy-the enemy of humanity, right and justice. Blessed be the arms
that carry out deeds and the revolutionary brains that conceive of deeds and plan them. We shall be
victorious.

"Sleep has fled from my eyes. I hear the cries of prisoners being tortured in Syrian dungeons. 1
cannot condone torture, no matter what the crime was. I hate to hear of a man crying in pain. I hate
the infliction of pain on any person, because I know what it is to feel pain - pain and anguish for the
loss of the homeland, for the loss of a whole people, the pain of my entire nation, Pain truly affects
my soul; so does the persecution of my people. It is from pain that I derive the power to resist and
to defend the persecuted,

"My people, my land, my Palestine! For thee I shall resist, for your honour I shall accept pain.”

Palestine, my love!

for you I shall fight

fight

and open the road

the road of return

victorious return

to all parents

to all lovers.

Today Iam a volcano

a revolutionary volcano

the Front-Volcano

the Front-revolution

Yes-the revolt of return

My Front is free

My Front to Palestine

paving the way to all,

to all my Arab people with guns,
cannons my Front acts

and with brain:

Yes, with brains we act, act, act! | reflected briefly, and wrote a note to my mother, to my mother
and to all mothers.

"To you, my dearest, I write these lines. Where are you? I see you only in my imagination ... you are
waiting for my return ... be patient, Mother ... I shail retum ... I see you, beloved, in the hands of
thine enemies ... 1 am choking ... on the verge of death, every time I imagine you

"Oh Lord, safeguard her and safeguard my people as you protected me. Safeguard them from the
persecution of the enemy. Blind the enemy whenever he tries to violate my domicile ... for my
Palestine is not only my mother .. she is my sister, friend and companion,

"Oh, how I long for Palestine, for my beloved, for my brothers and sisters in this little Syrian cage
where I feel physically bound and spiritually boundless and universal, for I have overcome the
particular and reached for the true good-the good of the oppressed.

"The feeling of being uprooted accompanies me everywhere, the feeling of being stateless, without

65
a homeland, is a feeling that can only be obliterated by the return! Oh, Lord, what a dreadful human

dilemma to be separated forcefully from one's own country!

"Yes, | feel unanchored ... for my land is raped ... it is under the hoofs of the Zionists
that have evicted my mother and other mothers and raped my true Mother Palestine.

"I swear by my revolution, by my humanity, that we shall return the Palestinians to their homes and

we shall recover our lost humanity!"

Yes, we have lost everything:

we have lost life and its meaning;
we have lost the humanity of man;
we are a people that lost its land;
and he who loses his land

loses his life-for land is

the source of life.

My beloved, I shall return on the
wings of eagles to you;

I shall return repeatedly to

spread terror in the heart of the enemy.
I shall flag the enemy;

I shall pulverise him.

And why not? How can I forget

the rage of the tempest that struck

my dear father ... a thousand greetings I send
to your soul, my father, and

the souls of Palestinian fathers in the beyond.
Tortured, you left Palestine and

uprooted you lived;

desire replaced health,

sadness joy, hatred love,

humiliation pride.

Father, rest assured I shall avenge your honour and
redeem your dignity

the honour and dignity of all martyrs !
By cannons, bullets, bayonets !

from the heavens we shall descend,
from the sea we shall come,

from Mount Carmel we shalll leap to the
heart of Haifa

My Front shall do this to

tend the wounded, succour the needy
and inspire the children of despair.

Mother, I can no longer keep my secret:
Lama lover of Palestine, and I have

no other love ..

‘Therefore remain firm and constant

unafraid my people face tyranny and oppression.

Be with me, my beloved, remember our martyrs,
remember the stolen lands.

66
Take all difficulties with steadfast revolutionary
violence!

For the path is long and steep

and the recovery of the homeland needs absolute
firmness,

Henceforth we shall not bend our heads.

The enemy may be strong ... but we are much stronger.
Our cause is right and just

and we have begun to believe in ourselves.

We no longer know fear.

Wait for me. Wait for victory.

We shall return!”

On September 3, I was shocked to hear that the Syrians had released four Israelis, while Salim and I
were still detained. I lashed out at the Syrians, threatening retaliation. The nurses tried to calm me,
explaining that the hospital was not a prison and urging me to eat if I wanted to be released quickly.
I promised to behave if they brought me newspapers and let me listen to the radio. They agreed and
I felt compensated for my fatigue when I heard a broadcast in which the story of the hijacking was
told according to the pilot. Moments later, the Commander-in-Chief of the Syrian armed forces,
General Mustafa Tlass, entered my room-my most distinguished visitor. The General said he
disapproved strongly of my deed and insinuated that I was a UAR agent who had brought the plane
to Syria to embarrass the Syrians and give President Nasser a propaganda boost.

[assured him that the Front was totally autonomous and took orders from no one. | raised the
of the released Israelis and he explained that I was "the guest, not the prisoner of Syria"

"L would rather not be anybody's guest, because I must return to my base to carry on with my
work," I said, and asked him to see if he could arrange a meeting for me with President Attassi. The
President was in Egypt for a meeting of the front-line states, he explained, and he didn't know when
he was coming back.

The General left, and Salim and I were moved to an apartment with four other people. We began to
realise that the more indignant we behaved, the more lenient and accommodating the Syrians
became, We demanded to know why we were being kept there and how long it was going to
continue. There was no reply. Around ten that evening, we were visited by Colonel Ali Zaza (he is
presently the Minister of the Interior under President Hafez Al-Assad), and got an inkling of what
was in store for us. Zaza came with two other men who identified themselves as Saiga commanders.
(Saiga is the Syrian-supported section of the resistance.) They were eager to talk. For the next four
hours we debated the whole history of the resistance, the role of Fateh, the Palestine National
Congress and its value, the nature of socialism, It became increasingly obvious that Saiga was a
branch of the Syrian Baath, and had no independent personality of its own. Although we agreed on
some points, we felt that, on the whole, the Baath of Attassi, Jedid and Makkous (the current ruling
triumvirate of Syria) believed in left-wing Baathism, not scientific socialism and dialectical
materialism.

By September 4, we must have become very fashionable and respectable. Four ladies of upper-class
appearance and attitudes came to visit us and presented me with a bouquet of flowers. Three
introduced themselves as representatives of the Syrian, Palestinian and Lebanese Union of Women,
and one as a member of Fateh, I looked at them with contempt and asked if their bouquet was a
fitting tribute to a living revolutionary who had accomplished her mission. They were taken aback,
One had the audacity to criticise the Front for the operation, calling it an attempt on our part to
eclipse the burning of the Al-Aksa mosque, an action which was gaining sympathy for the Arabs
and unifying the Moslem world behind one policy. (At one hurriedly called summit conference of

67
Arab states, Israel was held responsible for the burning of the mosque and accused of desecrating a
Moslem Shrine and attempting to Judaise it.)

explained that the Al-Aksa incident had occurred more than a week before our attack, and had no
relation to our action. Furthermore, | insisted, we did not strive for a unity based on religious
bigotry, but we were fighting for the unity of the antiimperialist forces. My congenial guests were
not impressed. They were upset that an “upstart” like myself could dare cast aspersions on their
idols. They walked out in a huff never to return to amuse me with their feminine slave passions and
fashions.

The evening of September 4 was a sad one for me. I learned of the death of a great revolutionary
leader, Ho Chi Minh, Ho's death struck me like lightning. I felt part of me had died. It was the same
feeling as when I heard about the assassination of Che. I knew Ho's principles would live, and that,
he was an old man who had lived a full life and helped liberate a substantial part of his homeland,
Yet I was sad and contemplated for an entire sleepless night the greatness of Ho and what we
Palestinians could leam from him and his example. The next morning, I sat down and wrote a
poem,

During a five-week period, from September 5 until October 11, Salim and I were held in three
different "guest houses" in Syria. The Syrians, I am certain, were not afraid of Salim or me. They
feared the Front and its heroic exploits. They must have remembered vividly how Dr. Habash,
whom they imprisoned in1968, was "kidnapped" with his Syrian guards by the Front from the most
guarded security prison in Syria,

The Syrians moved us around constantly in the hope of averting a similar "kidnapping". However,
our "kidnapping" was never contemplated because our continued imprisonment in Syria was
considered an effective indictment of a regime that proclaimed itself a revolutionary proponent of
people's wars and at the same time thwarted revolutionary operations. The Syrians considered
themselves somewhat accommodating as they fulfilled some of their "guests" desires.

They took us to the airport and allowed us to take some pictures of the Boeing 707. We also visited
a number of places in Damascus, including the hated symbol of our defeat, Bloodan Palace, from
whence had emanated the call of the Arab leadership to end the general strike of 1936-an action that
sealed the fate of Palestine and enabled the British and Zionists to wipe out the revolutionary cadres
of that era, We had to demand, threaten and fight in order to ameliorate the social conditions under
which we lived and the tight security that surrounded us. On three different occasions we had to go
on hunger strikes. We were permitted to see some visitors, but we had no freedom of movement nor
opportunity to communicate with associates. I felt lonely and confined. Salim was furious, and it
was hard for me to accept emotionally the fact that I was in an "Arab prison", although we had
considered the possibility before embarking on our mission. I seemed to have become self-centred;
yet I wanted to express my social concern-to reach for a loftier future. I turned to writing.

How miserable can one become

when one thinks only of oneself and no others.
How despondent can one become when one
imagines that one is the third pivot of the world;
How insipid life becomes when one remembers
that one's life is coming to an end.

Oh my soul, how I hate your

rebelliousness when all of me aches.Be merciful, my soul, for a moment.
Have I not been your obedient slave?

I feel a very strange feeling ... how childish!
long for love... love ... love

I shall resist this longing, but I am overcome

68
I shall hearken to the voice of love.
I shall embrace my beloved and sleep.
Tam in union with my humanity - with Palestine.

On October 11, 1969, Salim and I visited the then Syrian minister of defence (now President),
Hafez Al-Assad, We had spent forty-five days under house arrest, cut off from the world. I regarded
our stay in Damascus as an internment, Al-Assad adhered to the official policy of giving us
hospitality". When I persisted in calling myself a prisoner of the Syrian Baath, the minister
apologetically explained that his government was under external pressure either to extradite us or
put us on trial, Both alternatives, he said, were highly unpalatable. He expressed grudging
admiration for us, while insinuating that the operation was the work of Egyptian intelligence against
“revolutionary” Syria, the implication that provoked me to say that the wretched Arab intelligence
system was quite incapable of thinking of, let alone executing, such daring operations.

"Besides, Mr. Minister,” I asserted, "you should know that's false because Arab intelligence services
are well informed on the affairs of other Arab states.” Al-Assad then asked, "Why did you elect to
land in Syria?"-implying that our action was in retaliation for the Syrian detention of Dr. Habash,
the Secretary General of the Front. My reply was, "Principally for practical reasons. First, we were
short on fuel; and second, what difference did it make whether we landed in Egypt or Syria? Aren't
you both progressive Arab states?" The minister was not pleased with my stress on the word
"progressive".

I reminded him that Colonel Zaza had promised to obtain our release some time ago and to arrange
for an interview with President Attassi. Moreover, I declared, I didn't see any reasons why we
should be kept in this dungeon while the Israelis were set free. He was disturbed and said, "You are
fiee to go, Khaleda,” using the pseudonym I insisted on using while I was held in Syria. Within
minutes, Salim and I were ready to depart, AIAssad offered to put us up for a few more days.
"Thank you very much," I said, "forty-five days is more than I could take. See you on the battlefield
in Palestine next time.”

Salim went to Homs, Syria, to visit his parents for a short period. I retuned briefly to Lebanon and
learned that my brother Walid had been beaten up by the Lebanese gendarmes because of my role in
the hijacking. Then I left for Amman and resumed my work in Wahdat camp.

6 America in Jordan

WHILE MY PERSONAL BATTLE TO FREI HE PALESTINE people had been taking place the
Great Powers had been continuing their attempts to impose their peace solution on the Middle East

In order to try to implement the UN peace resolution 242, Secretary General U Thant designated Dr.
Jarring as his personal representative and the latter set up headquarters in Nicosia, Cyprus, in
December 1967. Jarring commuted to Cairo, Beirut, Tel Aviv and Amman and reported to U Thant
on his findings and progress. U Thant made periodic noncommital reports to the UN, the substance
of which was that Dr. Jarring should continue his mission and "pursue" further his efforts to
promote "agreement among the parties". Jarring continued his globe-trotting until April 9, 1969,
when his mission was "temporarily suspended” to give more elbow room to the Four Power
representatives, as the Israelis put it. The latter were finally reduced to bilateral negotiations under
which the United States and the Soviet Union would work out a settlement and decide to "impose"
it on both belligerents under UN auspices. The question of denying our existence was moved from

69
the corridors of the UN and multilateral diplomacy to the realm of the great power relations where
universal strategic interests preceded our concerns and pethaps even those of the Israelis. The Arab
leadership favoured the "imposed solution” because they felt they could more easily justify it on the
grounds that they couldn't violate the wishes of the great powers and were not able to resist the
whole world single-handedly. Israel felt that these Four Power negotiations were prejudicial. In the
first place, Israel had no control over the talks. Secondly, the Israelis felt they were "weighted
against Israel" because two powers, namely the Soviet Union and France, were "hostile" to the
Israeli position, But all the parties associated with the Middle East conflict intended the year 1969
as the year of solving the "Arab-Israeli conflict" before the guerrillas became too dangerous an
alternative to both the Arab regimes and to Israel, To placate the Palestinians, balloons regarding a
Palestinian entity were floated, and Israel and America looked desperately for credible buyers in the
occupied territories and elsewhere. None was available.

‘As the resistance developed into a formidable force and became a magnet to the Arab masses, and
as the "impasse" at the UN and Great Power talks intensified, the Four Power discussions were
replaced by bilateral negotiations, then by unilateral initiatives, with the Soviets and the Americans
continuing to compete publicly for the favours of their respective clients, It was finally agreed that
the US would try to act unilaterally as the mediator with tacit Soviet and Arab approval. With this
understanding in mind, the Rogers proposals were put forward on December 9, 1969.

Rogers pointed out that "there was an upsurge of hope that a lasting peace would be achieved" after
the third Arab-Israeli war in nineteen years. "That hope has unfortunately not been realised," he
declared. But because the Middle East "could easily again be the source of another serious
conflagration", the US felt it incumbent upon itself to try and avert war by interposing itself as an
intermediary to help the parties to the conflict "overcome their legacy of suspicion" and "to achieve
a political settlement", Rogers contended that the US consulted "directly with the Soviet Union,
hoping to achieve as wide an area of agreement as possible between us". The decision of the US to
act in such a capacity, Rogers said, was made "in full recognition" of four important factors

First, we knew that nations not directly involved could not make a durable peace for the peoples and
governments involved, Peace rests with the parties to the conflict. The efforts of major powers can
help; they can provide a catalyst; they can stimulate the parties to talk; they can encourage; they can
help define a realistic framework or agreement; but an agreement among other powers cannot be a
substitute for agreement among the parties themselves.

Second, we knew that a durable peace must meet the legitimate concerns of both sides,

Third, we were clear that the only framework for a negotiated settlement was one in accordance

with the entire text of the UN Security Council resolution, That resolution was agreed upon after
long and arduous negotiations; it is carefully balanced; it provides the basis for a just and lasting
peace-a final settlement-not merely an interlude between wars.

Fourth, we believed that a protracted period of war, no peace, recurrent violence, and sprea
chaos would serve the interests of no nation, in or out of the Middle East.

ing

Rogers appealed to the Arabs "to accept a permanent peace based on a binding agreement” and he
urged the Israelis "to withdraw from occupied territory when their territorial integrity is assured as
envisaged by the Security Council resolution". He saw the major issues as peace, security,
withdrawal and territory. To establish a state of peace, belligerency has to be renounced and
"conditions and obligations of peace must be specifically defined, Respect for mutual sovereignty
and obligations must also be specified." Moreover, Rogers insisted that "a peace agreement between
the parties must be based on stated intentions and a willingness to bring about basic changes in the
attitudes and conditions which are characteristic of the Middle East today". To guarantee the peace
further there "should be demilitarised zones and related security arrangements" worked out between

70
the parties with the help of Jarring. Rogers pointed out the need for "secure and recognised
boundaries" and suggested that the demarcation line "should not reflect the weight of conquest and
should be confined to insubstantial alterations required for mutual security". On the question of
"refugees", he merely acknowledged the fact of the "new consciousness among the young
Palestinians” whose aspirations and desires need to be "channelled away from bitterness and
frustration toward hope and justice". Jerusalem, he said, should be a "unified city" with access to all
persons, faiths, and nationalities. As to its administration, Rogers proposed "roles for both Israel and
Jordan in the civic, economic and religious life of the city". On the issue of a separate peace
between Israel and Egypt, Rogers admitted that in meetings with the Soviet Union a new Formula
had been worked out consisting of three principal elements:

First, there should be a binding commitment by Israel and the United Arab Republic to peace with
each other, with all the specific obligations of peace spelled out, including the obligation to prevent
hostile acts originating from their respective territories.

Second, the detailed provisions of peace relating to security safeguards on the ground should be
worked out between the parties, under Ambassador Jarring’s auspices, utilising the procedures
followed in negotiating the armistice agreement under Ralph Bunche in 1949 at Rhodes.

So far as a settlement between Israel and the United Arab Republic goes, these safeguards relate
primarily to the area of Sharm-el-Sheik controlling access to the Gulf of Aqaba, the need for
demilitarised zones as foreseen, in the Security Council resolution, and final arrangements in the
Gaza Strip

Third, in the context of peace and agreement on specific security safeguards, withdrawal of Israeli
forces from Egyptian territory would be required.

The Rogers speech aroused concer and suspicion in Israel, Prime Minister Golda Meir denounced
the plan as "a grave danger to our very security". Foreign Minister Eban said it "marred prospects
for peace". In America, Hubert Humphrey, the presidential hopeful, declared the proposals
sacrificed Israel's interests and friendship. But a New York Times editorial (December 11, 1969)
stated that Rogers' statement was "forthright", sounded "a clear call to reason and fair play", and
"honestly pointed the way to a reasonable compromise, the only alternative to a new conflict that
neither the nations directly concerned nor the great powers that are perilously involved can afford to
risk"

Since Israel dubbed the Rogers proposal as "Arab appeasement", it unleashed the Zionist Movement
America to agitate against the proposals, and try to extract concessions from the government or
coerce Rogers into retracting on such substantive points as "insubstantial alteration" of borders and
a "civic" role for Jordan in Jerusalem, To that end, twenty-four Zionist organisations in America
assembled in Washington on January 25, 1970, called ostensibly at the behest of the Conference of
Presidents of Major American Jewish Organisations, to express "deep concer and apprehension”
over recent US policy statements on the Middle East, Under this onslaught Nixon caved in, He not
only sent a message to the conference reiterating the American stance of absolute support to Israel,
but also dispatched his personal friend and representative, the Zionist Jewish industrialist, Max
Fisher of Detroit, the chairman of the Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Fund, to read the
message to the Zionists. Mr. Fisher told the more than one thousand Jewish community and
organisation leaders that "America stands by its friends. Israel is one of its friends." And he went on
to say that the president was "prepared to supply military equipment necessary to support the efforts
of friendly governments, like Israel's, to defend the safety of their people". More specifically, the
message noted that "the prospects for peace are enhanced as the governments in the area are
confident that their borders and their people are secure". Furthermore, the message stressed that
peace could only come to the Middle East after "negotiated agreement between Israel and the Arab
States", Dr. William Wexler, chairman of the Conference and president of B'nai B'rith was disarmed

a
and pleased, He backslid on his "apprehension and concern" and commented: "It [the message]
shows that the president understands and shares our concerns, It indicates that he wants no further
erosion in American policy." Wexler concluded by saying that "the Jewish community's
disagreement with the State Department was not over motivations or intentions but over tactics",
The Zionists did it again, They got an additional twenty-four Phantom planes to the fifty already
delivered in 1968. Rogers was on the defensive and there was no comparable Arab lobby to counter
Zionist power.

Meanwhile, on December 18, 1969, the US "draft" proposal on a "separate peace” between Israel
and Jordan with complete guidelines was communicated to both parties after consultations with the
great powers. In considering the American proposals, one must keep in mind two facts: that Syria,
whose Golan Heights are under Israeli occupation, is specifically excluded for the big-power
discussions; that Jordan is under obligation to crush the resistance movement before the proposals
are carried out. Here is a summary of eleven points of the ten-page US document

Point 1: The parties would determine procedures and a timetable for withdrawal of Israeli troops
from substantially all Jordanian territory occupied in the 1967 war.

Point 2: Each country will accept the obligations of a state of peace between them including
prohibiting any acts of violence from its territory against the other. This would commit Jordan to the
prevention of guerrilla raids.

Point 3: The two countries would agree upon a permanent frontier between them, “approximating”
to the armistice line before the 1967 war, but allowing for alterations based on practical security
requirements and "administrative or economic convenience".

Point 4: Israel and Jordan would settle the problem of ultimate control over Jerusalem, recognising
that the city should be unified, with free traffic through all parts of it, and with both countries
sharing in civic and economic responsibilities of city government.

Point 5: Jordan and Israel would participate in working out final arrangements for the
administration of the long unsettled Gaza Strip, on the basis of a parallel accord to be reached by
Israel and Egypt.

Point 6: The two countries would negotiate practical security arrangements, including the
delineation of demilitarised zones, on Jordan's West Bank, to take effect with the Israeli withdrawa

Point 7: Jordan would affirm that the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba are international
waterways, open to shipping of all countries, specifically including Israel.

Point 8; This point explains the refugee settlement and notes that the UN's Dr. Gunnar Jarring could
establish an international commission to determine the choice of each refugee on returning to Israel,
Since the procedures would undoubtedly be lengthy, the American proposal states that the rest of
the package could go into effect before the refugee procedures were carried out.

Point 9: The two countries would enter a mutual agreement formally recognising each other's
sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and right to live in peace.

Point 10: The total accord would be recorded in a signed document to be deposited with the United
Nations, From then on, any breach of any provision could entitle the other country to suspend its
obligations until the situation had been corrected.

Point 11: The completed accord would be "endorsed" by the UN Security Council, and the Big Four
powers-Britain, France, the United States and the Soviet Union-would "concert their future efforts"
to help all parties abide by the provisions of the peace.

Finally, the United States notes that an Israeli Jordanian peace would take effect only with a
simultaneous accord between Israel and Egypt, a point stressed by US officials to rebut Arab

2
charges that the peace-making effort is aiming to split the Arab world.

I believe the documentary evidence clearly illustrates America's grand design for the Middle East:
America looks forward to a permanent Israel, to a neutralised Soviet influence in the area, to
continued American predominance, and to a weak and divided Arab world based on personal
rivalries and led by military dictatorships or traditional monarchs, Furthermore, the proposals
submitted by America for the purpose of achieving a "durable peace” postulate a non-Palestinian
sovereignty, but America would accede to a Palestinian province under either Jordan or Israel or the
joint trusteeship of both. Denunciations, protestations, charges and counter-charges against these
proposals by Arab governments, Israel or the Soviet Union were in my judgment just part of the
overall deception on the part of the participants to carry out the proposals at the expense of the Arab
‘masses in general and the Palestinian people in particular. The problem remained of how Egypt and
Israel would view the arrangement and each maintain its presumed "superiority" and how the
superpowers would respond to the demand of their client. It is true, that an all-out conflict in the
region could "drag" in the great powers, but if both have an a priori accord not to intervene and to
confront each other at the regional level, then whatever struggle is waged by mistake or calculation
would not escalate into an all-engulfing war, Therefore there is ample room for manoeuvring by all
concerned.

It is only in this context that Israel's attempt to topple Nasser in the autumn of 1969 and winter of
1970 can be understood. The great powers supposedly counselled restraint, but the Israelis were
bent on overthrowing Nasser as the only obstacle to the kind of "peace" they desired. Finally, the
Russians supported Egypt with missiles, which forced the Israelis to cease their deep penetration
forays into Egypt, but handed them a big propaganda stick to beat the Americans with and demand
that the Russian weaponry be matched in order to maintain the "balance of power", in favour of
Israel. The Americans, never bashful about endorsing Zionism and its claims, joined a well
orchestrated, world-wide Zionist campaign that argued that thousands of Soviet technicians and
pilots had taken over everything in Egypt's military apparatus from military training to manning the
Sam missiles to flying combat missions against the Israelis. Moreover, the latter let it be known that
they were prepared to take on the Russians and their Arab allies. But the Soviets not only refused to
provide Egypt with the needed offensive capability to liberate the occupied territories, but declined
to supply her with adequate defensive capability with which to safeguard the ridiculous st
positions the Egyptians maintained in the open desert on the advice of the Russians. As to the
contention that the Egyptians were preparing an amphibious assault to cross the Suez Canal, it
turned out to be a propaganda hoax concocted by the State Department and the Zionists to justify
more American military and economic aid to Israel. At no time did the Egyptians ever constitute a
threat to Israeli air power or contemplate crossing the Canal. All they sought was the limited
objective of preventing the Israelis from roaming UAR skies at will. This, of course, didn't please
Moshe Dayan and his American sponsors. Nasser's entire strategy was based on the retention of
power, not the liberation of occupied territory as his so-called "war of attrition” advocates
proclaimed so vociferously. But surprisingly enough, he always stated that Palestine could only be
liberated by force of arms. He nevertheless was reconciled to a Zionist-controlled Palestine based
on June 4, 1967 borders. As a proponent of the "political solution” he never deviated from that
stance, except to make periodic bombastic speeches for Arab home consumption, Thus while
diplomatists held secret sessions, chancelleries exchanged aide memoires and foreign ministers
roved the world in search of peace "based on justice", Hussein as a sign of goodwill towards his
Western friends, moved to the implementation phase of the Rogers proposals regarding an Israeli
Jordanian peace: the planned elimination of the resistance,

While these political machinations were going on, I was on a three-month tour of the Arab Gulf and
Iraq with a team of revolutionary stalwarts-Salah Salah, the Palestinian labour leader and graduate
of Syrian prisons for his Pan-Arabist political work; Rashida Obeida, the much-feared female

2B
underground fighter from the occupied territories; Salim Issawi of the TWA fame; and Talat, the
revolutionary who for thirteen years had terrorised the Zionists of Europe. The purpose of the tour
‘was to spread revolutionary propaganda as well as collect funds for the Front. It was a tremendous
sucess. We not only reached and communicated with the Arab masses, but we learned a good deal
about their concerns, especially their desire to oust the British from the Arab Gulf and to stop
encroaching Yankee neocolonialism in the area. It was the poor, the workers and peasants who
received us and showered us with gifts, not the oil-kings or the political advisers of the local
"bandits". We returned to Amman in early February, to the vortex of counter-revolutionary
conspiracy.

King Hussein had just arrived from Cairo after extensive consultation with the front-line states. He
appeared to be in a belligerent state of mind as he made some strong statements threatening dire
consequences if the Israelis did not carry out resolution 242. Yet, he immediately promulgated
several restrictive decrees which, in effect, banished the resistance from the cities, closed down its
newspapers and banned its public assemblies. A showdown was inevitable. First of all, we decided
to break the siege that Hussein had imposed on the cities. Each sector of the resistance took the
necessary countermeasures. I was assigned to go to Schular camp near Zarga, to give public lectures
against Hussein's decrees and to explain to our masses that Hussein's actions could not be separated
from those of the US and Israel. Other comrades carried the Front's political line to all the camps in
Jordan, Hussein retaliated by shutting off the camps’ water and electricity - a deed he was going to
repeat in September with devastating effects on the poor, We challenged his position and called for
demonstrations throughout Jordan, His goons tried to disrupt our public meetings and stir up riots,
but most of them met revolutionary justice. Tension was rapidly mounting as I returned to Amman
and was ordered to go and give another public lecture at Jabel Al-Taj school. When I arrived with a
few comrades, we discovered that the audience had been dispersed by Hussein's troops and the air
bristled with the sound of machine guns. The Front's local Commander advised us to go back to
‘Wahdat camp until further notice. We did without question,

On the eve of February 10, I was saddled by the presence of my fiance's sister, Samirah, who had
just come from Baghdad to visit Bassim and ascertain for the family if I were worthy of becoming
their daughter-in-law. Bassim and I had got engaged earlier with the approval of the Front, Neither
family was consulted before the announcement.

Samirah had had no military training and I had no place to keep her at a safe distance from the
battle front. I was worried about her. In a blunt Iragi manner, she eased my fears: "Leila, I will do
whatever you ask of me. I, too, am an Arab and I want to fight.” Happily, I said, "All right, come
with me to Jabel Amman to deliver some messages." I picked up a gun and a hand grenade and took
a taxi, As we climbed uphill, we saw a burning military jeep and heard exchanges of gun-fire. Some
brothers from Fateh stopped us and warned us it was too dangerous to go any further. The driver
ordered us out of his taxi saying he wasn't ready to die. I tried to persuade him to continue. He
didn't yield. Samirah was infuriated. She denounced him as a shameless coward. The poor fellow
said he had eight children to support and left us after refusing to accept the fare, The brothers from
Fateh reported that the whole area was aflame and people were being evacuated. One of them
recognised me and said the battle had already started, "Get back to Wahdat camp, Leila.” I showed
m the grenade and assured him I was ready to fight. He grinned and said, "Come with me, let's
phone the military bureau and tell them that all signs indicate that Hussein is about to launch a
murderous attack against us." We did. Then Samirah and I returned to Wahdat camp to report on
developments. Upon our arrival Dr, Habash ordered us to prepare petrol bombs to use against
Hussein's soldiers. I went to the nearest petrol station to purchase some petrol. The attendant said I
could have all the petrol I wanted and refused to accept a single fils for it, We spent practically the
whole night making bombs and distributing them among our guerrillas, Since the Front had no
weapons’ supplier, we had to rely on our own resources and on weapons we captured from the

14
enemy. Comrade Nadia, a lady squad commander recently appointed to the region, discovered that
we were low on ammunition and weapons and, without informing anyone, led her squad in five
military operations on Jordanian police stations, netting over eighty weapons and hundreds of
rounds of ammunition without a single casualty. At midnight comrade Soulafah and I volunteered to
{g0 to Jabel Amman to inspect our positions and get first-hand reports on Hussein's moves. The
leadership agreed, on the condition that we travelled in civilian clothes. Before we left, however, we
insisted that Dr. Habash be placed in a more secure place, elsewhere in Amman. He objected
strongly, "Why should I live if you Soulafah and Leila are prepared to die for the cause?" We left
silently and returned to Wahdat camp very late that night.

No sooner had we fallen asleep when we were awakened by the music of sub-machine guns and the
roar of Hussein's artillery. Each fighter immediately assumed his or her assigned task. I had to go to
the mosque with comrade Waddad to start broadcasting the battlefield news and urge our masses to
rally to the defence of the revolution.

February 10, 1970, was the first massive attack on the resistance since November of 1968. The
battle raged on all day, but Hussein's troops were unable to break through our impregnable
positions. Amman was under fire from all directions but the resistance stood up to Hussein
fearlessly and he was forced to back down after the first full day of fighting. Sporadic fighting
continued for about a week, however, and hundreds of people were killed and maimed. The
resistance sustained a number of grievous losses. The Front suffered the loss of Abu Talaat, one of
our most courageous commanders. Abu Talaat's assassination by Hussein intelligence services
saddened the whole resistance movement and strengthened our resolve to fight against the
Hashemite despot. Abu Talaat was given a hero's funeral. Thousands accompanied his cortege to the
cemetery. As we bid him goodbye, Ramzia, wife of Abdul Mohsen Hassan, a martyr killed by the
Israelis in Zurich, Switzerland, delivered a brief, moving oration, without shedding a tear:

Abu Talaat you live, Three children survive you. Abdul Mohsen left me with nine. Both of you left
‘twelve guerrillas for Palestine to carry on the torch of her freedom. I assure you we shall recover the
land for which you died at the hands of dastardly criminals. Fallen hero, we salute you. You died in
battle wearing your boots. You set an example to the Palestinians and all oppressed everywhere.
May your kind multiply a thousand fold. Embrace the earth whence you came and melt into the
eternity of Palestine so that her soil may be further nourished by the blood of martyrs and heroes.
You live because the revolution will live.

Hussein's barbaric onslaught against the resistance forced its various contingents to make a
preliminary attempt at unifying its ranks. Thus the Unified Command was born in the midst of
streams of blood and under the chains of Hussein's US-supplied tanks. However, no concrete
revolutionary strategy was agreed upon and no united action was attempted although many
comrades were killed or wounded because of the lack of concerted action. By May 6, the resistance
nominally adopted the strategy of the Front in order to stave off the multilateral plot that was being
engineered to destroy the resistance. Meanwhile, Hussein saw the writing on the wall, He rescinded
his decrees in a "magnanimous" gesture of "Arab solidarity” and explained the reaction of the
resistance to his decree as "a misunderstanding". His Western apologists explained Hussein's
"statesmanship” as a means to avert a civil war, "to head off a bloodbath", because he did not want
to be “a hated prisoner in his palace" and because "It does not seem in Hussein's character, nor to be
in his concept of kingship, to contemplate such a state of affairs.” (London Observer, February 17,
1970). Nevertheless, it was admitted that Hussein had been urged for months by the US embassy in
Amman to "have it out" with the Palestinians.

In February 1970, the subterranean currents in Jordan became clear to even the casual observer.
Unfortunately many intelligent people refused to believe their eyes let alone take any action, The
‘two irreconcilable forces that held dual authority in Amman indeed had to "have it out". The

15
question was when? Hussein deferred a showdown for two reasons. Fateh and generally the Arab
masses still believed in the myth of Arab brotherhood and were prepared to co-exist with him. He
still regarded the resistance as a valuable tool with which to bludgeon the United States and Israel in
order to obtain more concessions for the time being and a more favourable peace accord when the
time came.

Intermittent fighting occurred between the resistance and American henchmen in Amman, Joseph
Sisco, the Assistant Secretary for Middle Eastern affairs, visited Jordan in mid-April. The masses
gave a thunderous "No" to America's "peace" plans, But neither America nor Hussein was prepared
to relent, The well-planned conspiracy was slowly unfolding as Hussein's special security squads
(SSS) roamed the streets of major cities and provoked the resistance. As the Arab front-line states
inched closer to "peace" with Israel, and their media focused on the shortcomings of the resistance,
Jordan's hirelings were openly flouting Jordanian laws, causing chaos and trying to provoke a civil
war between Palestinians and Jordanians, The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine foresaw
the implications of such a policy which exploited the major weakness of the resistance - a weakness
brought about by Fateh’s right-wing leadership - and immediately launched a counter-offensive
calling on all citizens to unite under one banner. The PF seized the initiative by capturing strategic
areas in Amman, and took the First Secretary of the American embassy as a hostage, to isolate and
expose the corrupt elements that stood behind Hussein and his CIA "advisers", Under pressure from
the resistance we released him, but the counter-revolutionary violence intensified rather than
diminished, contrary to the resistance’s expectations. The PF moved in and occupied the
Philadelphia and Intercontinental Hotels and took alll foreigners hostage. Hussein was savagely
shelling the camps of "his subjects", under the pretext that an assassination attempt had been made
on his life, but stopped when he discovered we meant business. Fighting raged for a week. More
than one thousand people were sacrificed in honour of Hussein's throne, yet by an ironic twist of
fate a cease-fire was arranged and joint committees representing Hussein and the guerrillas were set
up to supervise the "truce". The massacre, in the best American tradition of explaining conspiracies
away, was finally blamed on the anger of a single, isolated person, General Zeid Bin Shaker, whose
sister was allegedly killed by a guerrilla prior to the start of fighting. Both he and Sharif Nassir, the
iigned” their generalships and Hussein assumed sole command of "his" armed

forces.

The events of June showed that Fateh had not learned its lesson. We missed the opportunity to
depose Hussein when we had the confidence of the people and the power to defeat his fragmented
forces. Between June and September, Hussein consolidated his forces, purged wavering elements
and eliminated all potentially disloyal Palestinians in the higher echelons of his armed forces. Fateh
as "the largest" commando organisation was faltering and vacillating, During June, it became clear
to all that the "backbone" of the resistance was not leading, but following the masses. The Popular
Front, needless to say, took the initiative and forced the other groups in the resistance to follow its
lead, Well-thought-out strategy and imaginative leadership held sway. The Popular Front was
progressively becoming the new alternative, the new magnet of the oppressed, the vanguard of the
Arab social revolution. Arab "reactionary" and "progressive" regimes began to distinguish between
“honest” revolutionaries (Fateh) and "Terrorist" revolutionaries with "imported ideologies” (the
Popular Front), Hussein insolently declared that it was the Front's behaviour, not his criminal
bombardment of defenceless "refugee" camps that shamed the Arab people. The masses were not
deceived; they knew who the enemy was and applauded our action when we valiantly defended our
fortresses in the camps with courage and without compromise on the negotiation table, The Front
and its deed became synonymous. Everyone knew we were deadly serious revolutionaries, not
“revolutionaries” seeking a "peaceful, political solution” by diplomatic means and using the fighting
as a side show to demonstrate that we could cause trouble. The masses were for liberation, not
capitulation; they rallied behind their Front as the exponent of the doctrine of people's war and

16
protracted armed struggle.

The line of demarcation between enemy and friend of the people became even sharper in the spring
of 1970. The masses knew that Hussein and the Arab reactionaries were an integral part of the
enemy camp. What the masses had been indoctrinated into believing was that the Arab
"progressives" stood for liberation and the nationalist, pan-Arabist wave of the revolution - a wave
that challenged imperialism, Zionism, Arab reaction. In that fateful spring, the "progressives'
unmasked themselves as they emitted "peace" gestures to Washington and Tel Aviv, with Moscow's
approval. By September 1970, their "peace" strategy and attempts to liquidate the resistance were
clearly evident. By July 1971, they became abundantly clear as Sadat ditched Nasserism and
unleashed "a war of attrition" against the Popular Front from the august halls of Cairo University,

In his May Day 1970 speech Nasser stated that the opportunity for an Arab-American
rapprochement was rapidly fading. Instead of the usual abuse directed against the United States, he
said that America was one-sided and biased in favour of Israel. Then Nasser invited America to
repair its relations with the Arabs on the basis of Scranton's "evenhandedness" of December 1968 -
clearly an invitation to America, the Zionists’ accomplice, to act as an intermediary in the Arab-
Israeli conflict. Nasser thought he was putting America on the defensive: he was in for a surprise
when Rogers answered him affirmatively on June 19. Rogers resuscitated the old doctrine of "peace
based on justice". Diplomatic flirtation was carried on for a month. Then came Nasser's historic
bombshell: on July 23, 1970, on the eighteenth anniversary of the revolution, he accepted the
Rogers proposals for peace in the Middle East. Nasser agreed not just to "peace" with Israel as a
long-term objective, but also to the cessation of the "war of attrition", an "arms freeze", and Israel's
non-withdrawal from occupied territories prior to negotiations.

Nasser's "brilliant diplomatic tactic" as his confidant, Mohammed Hassanein Heikal labelled it, sent
a shock wave through Arab revolutionary ranks, The "contradictions" of Zionist society as Nasser
had foreseen came to the open, Gahel, the right-wing party quit the "national coalition” when Israel
accepted the cease-fire. The Arab states, with the exception of Iraq and Algeria, gave verbal support
to Nasser’s "peace offensive". Journalists hailed Nasser’s statesmanship. The Palestinians, the
worshippers of Nasser in Amman and in occupied Jerusalem and major West bank cities, went
through the streets shouting: "Nasser is a coward; Nasser is a traitor.” Nasser's image was tarnished,
but he remained the idol of the masses. However, when he expelled Palestinian students from
Egyptian universities, closed down Fateh's broadcasting station, and ordered his allies in the
resistance to support his position publicly and to try to eliminate the Popular Front, Nasser's stock
plummeted. If he was not completely exposed as a Yankee collaborator, his actions created gnawing
doubts in the minds of his erstwhile admirers. The die was cast. The revolutionary embryo wa
alone; the Russians, the Yankees, the Arab ruling cliques and the Zionists were united for the
purpose of aborting the foetus of hope!

In his July 23 speech, President Nasser proclaimed Egypt's aims: Israeli withdrawal from all
occupied Arab territory and recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestine people. "We do not
‘want war for war's sake," he said. "We want to liberate our land; we want the rights of Palestine
people. We have accepted the American proposals presented by Secretary of State William Rogers;
we do not see anything new in them; we have accepted them in the past. It is Israel who rejects
them, Israel drops one thousand tons of bombs on us. Yet, when modem Soviet weapons arrived in
Egypt a full attack was made and no American newspaper mentioned that Israel has seventy-two
missile bases for defence. What does this mean? Does it mean we have no right to defend ourselves
when Israel has such a right, and a right to attack us?" The crucial implication of Nasser's stance-the
destruction of the resistance movement as a precondition to peace-was not admitted, Nasser insisted
that Egypt had a right to sue for peace and the Palestinians had a right to fight for the liberation of
their country: two contradictory rights. Nasser’s decision to accept the Rogers proposals had a
demoralising effect on the Arab world and a devastating impact on the resistance, notwithstanding

7
‘Ad-Ahram reports to the contrary. Within two weeks of the ill-conceived pronouncement, a "cease-
fire" order was issued and begun on August 7, 1970. The expected co-existence between Zionist and
Arab did not materialise. The resistance was the main obstacle; it had to be crushed before the elder
statesmen of Zionism and Arabism marched hand in hand to the altar of Solomon's temple and
Omar's mosque. Joint efforts to contain the resistance were mounted: funds stopped pouring into
Fateh's coffers; a worldwide propaganda war against the resistance was declared; the movement of
resistance groups across frontiers was carefully monitored and gravely curtailed in strategic areas
within Jordan. Hussein, with Arab silence-therefore, approval-immediately launched his systematic
liquidation campaign against "honest and terroristic” revolutionaries without distinction.

It was hoped that this latest campaign would be the final assault before the reign of peace descended
on the Middle East. The Front waited long enough to let every Arab leader, every friend and foe
show his hand. Some Arab leaders denounced Hussein's policies; others silently wrung their hands;
most applauded his stand on "law and order”. Then the Front decided to implement its offensive
strategy. The resistance as a whole should have taken the offensive, but it didn't.

My comrades and I were on our way to Europe to declare international war against the concerted
attempts of the superpowers, Zionism, and the Arab states to smash the Arab social revolution and
thereby the revolution of the Third World and the oppressed everywhere on this globe. I went to
Frankfurt in the full knowledge that we, the Palestinians, the children of despair and now of
revolution, were carrying the torch of freedom and human liberation on behalf of humanity: if we
failed, America would have succeeded in reversing the tide of the world revolution, with the notable
exception of Vietnam, Our minimum objective was the inscription of the name of Palestine on the
memory of mankind and on the mind of every self-respecting libertarian who believes in the right
of the subjugated to self-determination, Furthermore, we hoped to arrest the Fascist terror in Jordan
and reveal the contradictions of Arab society, We were out to strike at the heart of the oppressor.

7 We Speak for a Lost Humanity

The Popular Front in its manifold institutions is a miniature of the Arab world we hope to build.
Each member must therefore learn to serve the common good and do his utmost to help the Front
attain the liberation of the Arab man and his Zionist foe.

George El-Bekaai

‘THE PRINCIPAL FUNCTIONS OF EVERY MEMBER IN THE Popular Front are politically-
orientated military activities, the spreading of revolutionary propaganda and fund-raising. While
these functions are often closely associated, none the less each comrade specialises in the area to
which his or her talents are best suited. But the party requires that each one of us has a good grasp
of the ideology and strategy; that we be prepared to undertake military operations in the occupied
territories or in foreign lands; that we always be willing to live and work with the masses; that each
must help collect funds in a variety of ways from selling the Front’s theoretical journal, Al-Hadaf, to
raising money from European and American friends and supporters.

In my capacity as a soldier, I was selected to carry out foreign operations. Unfortunately, however,
my identity had been revealed by the Syrian authorities in 1969 when comrade Salim Issawi and I
landed the TWA 840 in Damascus. If the Syrians had not interfered I would have remained one of
the hundreds of anonymous soldiers at the Front, Thanks to Zionist hysteria, my name and
photograph have probably appeared in every paper in the West, if not the entire world, But the wide

18
publicity did not prove an effective means of ending my career as a revolutionary. I was not out of
the picture yet. While many members of the Front thought that I was working in Inbid in the spring
and summer of 1970, and my family thought that I was still in Egypt, I was in fact training to
commander an El-Al plane. Details of the training must still remain secret. After the first hijacking
I was elected to the central committee of the Front, a position that has not diminished but increased
my obligations. In the Front the higher one ascends in its organisational hierarchy, the more
responsibilities one has to assume. There are none of those celebrities in the Front who perform
innocuous bureaucratic functions and are surrounded by kowtowing assistants.

In early March 1970, I left Amman for an undisclosed destination where I underwent three plastic
surgery operations so that I could continue our planned military operations. It was difficult at first,
to find a doctor ready to put his medicine at the service of the revolution. After extensive searches a
physician was found who was anxious to help, but he couldn't understand why a prospective
husband would want to see his wife's face “disfigured” before he'd marry her. "He must be nuts,"
the good doctor insisted. "Nuts," we agreed, but "Please operate,” we said, The doctor shook his
head, booked an obstetrics hospital and reached for his "syslestics". It was March 13, 1970, when
the first "face-twisting” was performed. It was extremely painful, Since I refused a general
anaesthetic, I could see as well as feel the thrust of the needles. I suppose people in the West will
conclude that I must be a masochist, but I assure them that [ am not: I have a cause higher and
nobler than my own, a cause to which all private interests and concerns must be subordinated, Here
then I lay on the operating table while my comrades were being tortured, my sisters being raped and
my land pillaged.

For twenty days after the first operation I had to live on liquids. I felt terribly weak. Since the
operation was a secret which less than a half dozen people knew about, I languished in the hospital
with no visitors to break the boredom. I spent my days watching the comings and goings in the
maternity ward across the hall. To complicate matters, my nurse spoke neither Arabic nor English.
She was an Armenian and we could communicate only by sign language, a situation which didn't
help my painful face. Happily no one in the hospital recognised me, But one day when I was calling
for a nurse, a man who was visiting his wife in the room next door walked in to help. He recognised
me and called me by my first name. I denied that I was Leila. He didn't believe me. When I left the
hospital I gave his new daughter a necklace made of bullets and wished her a long, long.
revolutionary career.

Zero hour was approaching rapidly, yet more surgery was required to complete my "beauty
treatment”, Two more operations were performed, the last a few days before the scheduled
hijacking. Most of my comrades were already in Europe waiting to meet me. Suddenly word came
through that everything must be postponed to avoid confrontation with Jordan. I was a little
disappointed, but not disheartened.

The Israelis and their allies however, were a vigilant and sleepless enemy. I had been released from
the hospital. It was July 11, 1970, at two-fifteen a.m. and I was sitting in Dr, Wadi Haddad’
apartment and we were discussing strategy. His wife and child were asleep in the next room. From
out of nowhere a volley of rockets struck the bedroom. Neither of us was hurt. We reached for our
guns. Then in the midst of flames his family burst out of the bedroom screaming and bleeding. The
electricity failed. We panicked momentarily as we tried to extinguish the fire. I grabbed eight-year
old Hani, and ran up and down the stairs shouting "Fire, Fire". Hani was bleeding from the chest
and his feet looked squashed. A neighbour invited us to take refuge in her apartment and called the
fire brigade. I was anxious, but Hani was absolutely calm and silent, He forced a smile and said to
me, "Leila, revolutionaries of the Front ought not to be fearful. You ought to be ashamed to be
frightened." I was a little shocked by the reminder from this child revolutionary, and I pounced on
him and carried him outside to take him to the hospital. I stopped a cabby, who refused to transport
us, and I spat in his face. Suddenly Abu Dardock, a member of the Front, appeared on the scene and

79
away we went to the American University hospital's emergency ward. As I rushed in with Hani in
my arms, blood covering both of us, I cried, "Find me a doctor please”. Within minutes a doctor was
there but before he even looked at the child, he callously enquired if I had the money to pay for the
treatment. I shrieked at him, "Are you a doctor or a carpet salesman?" He firmly explained that
AUB was a “hospital not a charity centre, "Since you are in business, take me for ransom, but
please look after the child," I begged. At that moment Dr. Haddad and his wife stormed in looking
for their child, His mother was almost hysterical. The American doctor recognised Dr. Haddad, a
fellow MD. He was taken aback and apologised profusely. His apologies fell on deaf ears. I voiced
my threats loudly, "Yankee doctor, the revolution will make AUB's hospital a hospital for the poor
and your kind of doctor will have to be disbarred or sent back to America." He flashed a barefaced
grin and said "I'm sor

The attack on Dr. Haddad's apartment strengthened our resolve to fight the enemy with all the
power at our command, We were much more determined to die for the cause than ever before. The
sight of the apartment in flames was constantly on my mind as I flew to Frankfurt in August. In
Frankfurt, I stayed at a moderately-priced hotel whose owner turned out to be Jewish, He greeted
me in Arabic and I hesitated momentarily before replying, then casually reciprocated his greeting,
pretending that I was a non-Arab. He persisted in talking Arabic to me and boastfully announced: "I
ama Jew you know." I promptly replied, "I am an Arab and | am not against the Jews; I am against
the Zionists and the people who occupied Arab territory." He countered agreeably, "I am a Zionist
for religious reasons, but I am not interested in politics.” Our confrontation ended, I went upstairs to
my room and stayed put until the following morning, Finally I became restless and hungry and
decided to go out to eat and take a long walk. My Jewish friend was at the desk. He greeted me
volubly and asked if I would like to go to Amsterdam on a trip he was organising for his guests. I
smiled, declined the invitation and rushed out to fetch some food. On the way I purchased several
English newspapers; all were filled with news from Jordan and some had editorial comments on the
impact of the Rogers proposals on the Arab world, Israel, and great power relations. Practically
every paper I read speculated on forthcoming hijackings. I felt uneasy at first, but then relieved
when I read that the hijackings were supposed to be taking place in Zurich and elsewhere, not in
Amsterdam,

I was obsessed with the idea of my mission. I rehearsed it on the hour every hour of my waking
days. I roamed the city of Frankfurt for a few days, bored with the waiting; then I went to Stuttgart
briefly and on to Amsterdam, Our rendezvous with history was approaching: all plans had to be
translated into action; history was ours to write; Patrick Arguello was to write it in blood, I was not
so honoured. I met Patrick Arguello for the first time in September, 1970, in front of the air terminal
at Stuttgart, We briefed each other on our mutual assignment and reviewed the plan thoroughly. The
following day we flew together to Frankfurt, At Frankfurt airport, Mr, Diaz (Patrick) was inspected
as I watched the passengers of a TWA Tel Aviv-bound flight being thoroughly searched. I felt very
happy that we were causing the enemy so much trouble. "What fools, that's the plane we're going to
hijack on its way back from Tel Aviv," I thought to myself. Patrick was cleared through customs
without suspicion.

The next stop was Amsterdam. On September 6 Patrick and I met in front of the El-Al counter at
ten a.m. We waited for half an hour for the El-Al Office to open. It never opened that day. We
checked the flight schedule; the bulletin board still showed El-Al flight 219 as departing for New
York at eleven twenty a.m. We asked the KLM ground hostess for assistance. She took our tickets
and called El-Al office. There was no answer.

The KLM hostess seemed a little surprised. She asked, "Why take El-Al flight, there are others,
which are better and more comfortable." We assured her that "we'd rather travel EI-AL" As we
waited Pan Am flight 840 arrived and I happily remembered TWA flight 840 of August 29, 1969. 1
‘was not aware at that moment that two of our comrades, having been barred in an earlier attempt by

80
the Israelis, were on their own to seize Pan Am flight 840 a half-hour after take-off. They took the
747 to Cairo where they blew it up as a declaration of Palestinian independence. Neither Patrick nor
any of the other five male hijackers knew that three planes were our target that day. Only the three
female Palestinian captains and a handful of other leaders knew of the entire plan. We lingered in
the waiting room until about twelve-o-five. There was still no sign of the El-Al counter-staff,

Suddenly an armed police officer in Israeli uniform emerged.

"Why are you late?" he demanded. I accommodatingly explained, "We arrived at ten o'clock,
officer,” and suggested that he ask the KLM hostess, who vouched for us. "Your passport please,"
he said. Both Patrick and I showed him our passports without comment, The officer carefully
examined each page. He looked at my photograph and then back at me several times, He paced
back and forth as he addressed us. He asked me to empty my handbag and identify every item in it
which I did. I looked completely normal. Patrick was wearing a business suit and I was dressed in a
mini-skirt and jacket. I did not pretend to be other than calm Maria Sanchez from Honduras.
Routine questions went on for several minutes. Suddenly I heard loud voices. I saw three Arabs
walking in my direction. My heart sank. I knew and recognised one of them. What if he greeted
me? We would be exposed immediately, Fortunately the Israeli officer had his back to them. Since
we were already holding hands for his benefit, I quickly threw my arms around Patrick, He seemed
a little surprised, but what man will rebuff a woman under such conditions? The embrace lasted
until my Arab friend passed by unnoticed by the El-Al officer or anyone else. The officer seemed
untroubled by us. Politely he invited us to go with him to the basement to check our baggage.
"Officer, our luggage is open, you could inspect it anytime you like," I said, "Regulations state,
Madam," he explained, "that owners must be present." We happily agreed. The officer was no
amateur. He systematically went through every item not once, but twice. He asked informal but
pertinent questions as he inspected our possessions.

Then he pointedly turned to me and asked: "Has anyone given you any gifts?" "No," I replied
emphatically. "Do you have anything sharp or dangerous?” "Such as?" I said, "Such as a pistol, a
knife or anything sharp?" "No Sir. What would a gir! like me ever do with a pistol or knife, officer?”
He smiled apologetically and said, "You can go back to the transit hall." Then it suddenly dawned
on him to ask me in English if I spoke Spanish. "Si, senor," I blurted out boldly. "Have a good
journey," he said. Patrick was a little surprised. "Why would you say to him you spoke Spanish
when you don't?" "Look Patrick," I said, "if he knew how to speak Spanish he would have
addressed us in Spanish from the beginning. Calm down, we're clear.”

‘As we re-entered the hall, I saw some thirty or forty youngsters waiting to board El-Al flight 219. 1
was shocked and secretly lamented that once again I had to face the agonising problem of what to
do to avoid hurting children, I love children and I know they are free from guilt. Although I
remembered the children of Palestine napalmed by the Israelis and Dr. Haddad's child running out
of his flaming room, I nevertheless vowed to do my utmost not to jeopardise the lives of the
passengers needlessly. I sat semi-paralysed for a few seconds wrestling with the moral issues of our
action, Meanwhile Patrick was walking around the hall trying to spot our two comrades. As 1
looked at the children a beautiful little girl walked towards me, her eyes directed longingly towards
the sandwich in my hand. Her mother pulled her away as I almost said to her, "Taali ela

houna," (Come here and take it.) No sooner did I hold my tongue, than her mother called "Taali ela
houna ya binti,” (Come here my child). I was startled. Patrick had just joined me. I tried to dispel
any sign of anxiety by whispering furtively to him "Guess what?" "Yes," said Patrick, thinking I had
spotted our comrades, "The lady with the children opposite us is an Israeli; imagine if she were
assigned to hijack this plane and she wanted to take it in one direction and we in the other. Who is
likely to win the contest?" I asked, Patrick laughed and assured me "We shall win."

We waited, Minutes seemed like hours, No Israeli plane was in sight. Only the damned KLM planes

81
were there and we had no use for them, The jumbo jet had taken off at eleven-thirty. It was now a
little after twelve. The Israeli officer reappeared and we went through the same routine inspection.
We were ordered to another side of the room. I tried not to show my frustration, The third
inspection started and we were told to move back to our original places. By the end of this

spection, it was one-thirty. The hijack proclamations were supposed to have been simultaneously
announced at twelve-twenty. I figured that either the hijackings were announced and the blasted
Israelis had heard about them and decided to transfer us to KLM, or they had captured our two other
comrades and were desperately looking for us. I had two hand grenades; Patrick had one hand
grenade and a pistol. I said to Patrick who was aware only of our own hijack plans, "Commandos
do not surrender, we have to play Samson if they discover us." Patrick resolutely agreed. We were
asked to walk downstairs. The same officer was standing at the gate checking every passport and
passenger. I said "Officer, we are late." "That's all right, madam, we're doing it for your own
security,” he declared, We marched to the plane surrounded by all kinds of armed guards. I was
delighted that the resistance was causing so many difficulties and making the Zionists paranoid and
jittery. | felt that Patrick and I had already conquered the enemy and accomplished half of our
mission by making a fool of him and proving that his precautionary measures were not foolproof. I
realised that the enemy's fortress was not impregnable as I ascended the plane with twelve guards of
honour bearing sub-machine guns guaranteeing my "security". When I stepped into the El-Al plane,
I felt for the first time since April 13, 1948, that I was at home again in Haifa, I was indeed in a
lion’s den, Never before had I felt so elated and proud of being a member of the Popular Front than
at that moment.

Patrick and I searched for two empty seats. We were moved around twice until we were finally
seated together in the second row of the tourist class. We heaved a sigh of relief as a hostess asked if
we were comfortable. I was exhilarated and looked forward to the second half of our mission,
Patrick seemed a little frightened as El-Al finally took off around one-thirty. Patrick knew me only
as Shadiah, I thought if I revealed my identity his morale would be greatly boosted. I did. Patrick
was heartened. He gave me a victory salute, The lady next to me fell asleep immediately. All the
passengers seemed tired. At one-fifty-five, we noticed that someone was watching us from the back
of the plane, I told Patrick to stay still. I turned around and looked directly at the man for a minute.
He was in civilian clothes. When he saw that I was watching him he shyly looked the other way. At
that moment Patrick prepared his hand grenade and pistol, and I pulled the safety pins off my two
hand grenades and rushed forward through the first class section and towards the cockpit, We
shouted "Don't move,” as some of the passengers tried to take cover. Three stewards were in front
of us wielding hand guns. In a couple of seconds I could count six guns, But we had anticipated a
battle. A hostess fell to the ground crying to me in Arabic. I threatened to blow up the plane if
anyone fired at us. I displayed my two grenades and dropped the safety pins on the floor hoping to
convince everyone we intended business and to avert a bloody battle, Patrick held the armed
stewards and the passengers at bay. "Go ahead, I'l protect your back," he instructed me. I forced the
hostess to stand up and walk ahead of me. The moment she opened the door, she staggered forward
in a state of panic. I couldn't see the captain or crew. Shots were fired. There was another door
before we could reach the pilot's cabin. Both of us banged on the door. No one opened the door.
Suddenly someone was looking at us through a spyhole. I brandished my hand grenades and
ordered him to open the door or else. I heard more shots and the plane went into a spin.

Several people attacked me at the same moment. I thought the plane was disintegrating, The firing
continued and suddenly I found myself besieged by a pack of wolves, El-Al staff as well as
passengers. Someone screamed "Don't shoot at her! She has two hand grenades." No one fired at
me. But some people were kicking me, others hitting. A few just stepped all over me. Two were
holding my hands and trying to take away the grenades. One finally succeeded in prying one
grenade from me without exploding himself and the plane. I held tightly to the other until I was

82
knocked unconscious for a second and was overpowered.

At first I didn't know what was happening to Patrick. Within a few minutes I was dragged to the
first-class compartment where Patrick was lying, bleeding profusely and breathing heavily. I could
see he was still alive. The Zionists were acting like mad dogs. They trampled over every part of our
bodies. By that time Patrick was too weak to resist. I was fighting like a caged lion. I fought until |
was completely exhausted, Then a vicious thug pounced on me, pulled my hair mercilessly, called
me a wicked bitch, a malicious Arab and all sorts of obscene names. I spat contemptuously in his
face. I bit his hands. He and the others around me beat me incessantly for several minutes.

The plane was travelling smoothly; the remaining passengers were staying in their seats. Suddenly
an Israeli guard emerged from the cockpit area, Patrick was lying on his side. The man tumed hi
over on his stomach and started tying him up with wires and a necktie. Someone asked "How are
they?" A voice replied "We don't know. He is ... we're not sure. She's three quarters dead.” The man
stepped on Patrick's hips and Patrick looked at me in agony, his hands tied behind his back. Then
the Zionist guard fired four shots into Patrick's back. Someone screamed from the back of the plane
"Please stop the bloodshed. Please, Please, Please!" The four shots that were fired into Patrick's
back were fired from a distance of less than one foot. Patrick looked at me, gave me a deathly smile,
and bid me an eternal goodbye.

Then came my turn. I was tied up in the same fashion: hands behind my back, my feet and legs
immobilised with wires. I expected to join the ranks of our martyrs as Patrick had just done. But the
Zionists did not execute me. I was certain they were not moved by any humanitarian concern or by
the pleading voice from the back of the cabin. They needed me for display purposes in their human
z00 in Israel. I presumed they wanted a witness to testify to their "bravery" - a prisoner to torture
and to extract confessions from. As they finished tying me up, the pilot announced, "We are going
to Tel Aviv." Yet within minutes, I felt the plane descend and then touch down. As it hit the runway I
fell off my seat and my "bodyguard" fell on top of me. He pulled me back up shouting obscenities
and kicking me ruthlessly. The passengers disembarked. I could hear the sound of an ambulance
outside. Two uniformed officers walked in. I didn't know where we were. Another officer walked in
to the first-class compartment where I was being held. He demanded that I be turned over. An
Israeli officer declared, "She is our prisoner. Get out of here. This is Israeli property." The first two
men stood their ground. Then the Israeli pilot, yes the pilot, in the presence of two British officers,
came out of his cockpit, lifted me off my seat and gave me a couple of vicious kicks in the bottom.
‘The British officers screamed, "Shame," and pushed him aside. More British officers stepped into
the fray, identifying themselves as members of Scotland Yard. The captain told them, "To hell with
you and your government. She is my prisoner. Get out of this plane." The British officers tried to
seize me. Three Israelis pulled me in one direction by my trussed up legs; the British pulled my
hands in the other in a tug-of-war which the British won, A great husky English officer carried me
over his shoulders and threw me down to the waiting arms of two other officers below. I was in
British hands. I knew it would be safer here for me than in Tel Aviv.

The British placed Patrick and me in some kind of police ambulance. I was hoping against hope that
Patrick would live. In a few minutes, a nurse told an officer beside her something, but I didn’t hear
it. Then she took the oxygen mask off Patrick's mouth. I knew he was dead, I pleaded with the
British to untie me. They did after they persuaded me to remain calm. I stood beside Patrick's body:
Theld his hands; I surveyed his wounds; I touched his smashed head; I kissed his lips in a spirit of
camaraderie and love, I wept unashamedly. I spoke to him, "Patrick, now you have joined Che in
revolutionary love. You are an inspiration for the weak and oppressed. The Palestinians shall build
you monuments in their hearts and in their liberated homeland. I long for the hour of liberation
under leaders of your stature and selfless dedication." In less than twenty minutes, the ambulance
arrived at Hillingdon hospital. Patrick Arguello, age twenty-seven, father of three children, a
Nicaraguan citizen of the world, born in San Francisco, USA, was pronounced dead. What had

83
prompted someone half-way across the world from Palestine to undertake this dangerous mission?
Patrick was a revolutionary Communist. His gallant action was a gesture of international solidarity.
A flame of life was extinguished; it lit the world for a moment; it blazed a trail on the road back to
Palestine. Arguello lives, so do my people, so does the revolution!

At Hillingdon hospital, I was given a general check-up and X-rayed, I was surrounded by a crush of
people who seemed to have very little to do with my medical examination. The doctor pronounced
me "fit to go", though neither he nor anyone else around me could have imagined how beat I was
and how everything in me ached. I was asked by someone who didn't look like a nurse who I was. I
said, "Iam a commando from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.” "This is not a
name," a voice shouted. "That's my name. I do not wish to talk further." As people wandered around
trying to extract confessions from me or statements, the familiar face of a journalist appeared in the
crowd, but I couldn't place him, He must have recognised my voice immediately. He said, "That's
Leila." A police officer said, "What Leila?” "That's Leila Khaled, the gir! who hijacked the TWA
last year," the journalist replied. "Are you sure?" "Yes I am" The officer asked if Leila was my
name. I smiled but refused to comment. I was taken to West Drayton police station where I spent
the night. Here the police tried to interrogate me. I absolutely refused to utter a single word beyond
"Lam a commando from the Popular Front,” unless they agreed to recognise me as a commando and
treat me as a war prisoner. At West Drayton, the only unpleasant incident was when an immigration
officer came in with a sheaf of papers, read me all sorts of legal instructions, and informed me that I
was refused legal entry to Britain, I said, "Wonderful. Release me now." He said "No," and wanted
me to sign his ridiculous papers and acted as if I were some kind of a British outlaw. I ordered him
out.

The first two nights were a nightmare, I worried about what was taking place in Jordan and what
had happened to the other planned hijackings. I felt terrible because I had failed to seize and retain
EL-Al flight gig and I felt shattered over the death of comrade Arguello. These two thoughts were
constantly on my mind. I couldn't sleep for an hour without waking up, finding myself engaged in
another make-believe battle. I was lonely and exhausted. I said very little to the women who
constantly accompanied me. The only relationship I had with them was "What time is it?” A
question posed as frequently as I could, to ease my boredom. But one guard provoked me, "Why
did you do it? It’s a monstrous act,” she said. I left without being able to explain to her why.
However, she was kind to me and assisted me when the police moved me to Ealing, She put a
blanket over my face and wished me well.

I was moved to Ealing police station on September 7. Here I was placed in a cell by myself. Two
women officers guarded me. At first both seemed to resent me. We exchanged few words. I refused
to eat. I only smoked and drank black coffee. I asked to see newspapers. They said I could read a
‘women's magazine if I wanted, I said, "No thanks.” On September 8, I met Chief Superintendent
Frew, and Inspectors Bruce and Laidlaw. I said to them, "I will talk if I am recognised as a
commando." They agreed on the condition that I would tell the truth.

Frew: "What's your name?"

Khaled: "Leila Khaled."

Frew: "That's a lie.”

Khaled: "Then, what is my name?"
Frew: "Khaled is an assumed name."

Khaled: "My assumed name is Shadiah Abu Ghazalah, she was one of our great fighters

Frew interrupted me, "Oh, please, please don't harangue us. Answer questions specifically.” He
showed me a pistol and asked me to identify it. I said it was one of several Israeli pistols brandished

84
in my face. He showed me a pistol which I later found out had been Patrick's, but since I hadn't seen
it before, I said I didn't know to whom it belonged. He didn't believe me. He then demanded, "How
did you obtain those strange bodies?" referring to the hand grenades. I answered him tersely: "They
were given to me by the PF.” "Who issued this passport to you?" "The PF," I said. "Where were you
going to take the plane?" "Somewhere." "Where?" "Somewhere," | insisted. "Who is Abd Atheem
Jaber?" Now I brightened up and decided to deliver my first brief speech and refuse to talk further if
I were stopped. The officers sensed my determination and remained silent.

"Jaber is a Palestinian hero in Zionist dungeons. He is one of our underground commando leaders
who struck terror in the heart of the enemy, and throughout his cities. Before he was captured by the
enemy on September 21, 1968, he fought courageously until his ammunition ran out. He held the
enemy until most of his comrades managed to disappear in the face of American-made Sikorsky
helicopters. He lived among the peasants of Palestine and he organised and trained them and spread
revolutionary ideas. His most daring act was his challenge to General Sharif Nassir, uncle of King
Hussein, Sharif Nassir was addressing a Jordanian platoon before the reactionary regime dispatched
them to Yemen to help with the counter-revolutionary attempt to restore the deposed Imamate there
Jaber stood up to Sharif Nassir and said, ‘Instead of sending us to Yemen to fight UAR troops and
‘Yemeni radicals, why not send us to Tel Aviv to fight the real enemy of Palestine?’ Sharif Nassir,
who is quick with the gun, found Jaber a bit quicker. Jaber was dishonourably discharged, but
upheld his dignity. I could tell you a lot more about the operations he masterminded in the occupied
territories, but I want you to understand one thing: Jaber was held incommunicado for four months
and the enemy couldn't break his will in spite of the torture-physical and psychological-inflicted on
him, I assure you I am of the same stuff. I trust you understand now why my unit was called the
Abd Arahman Jaber Commando Unit."

The British officers listened stony-faced. When I had finished Frew resumed his questioning. "In
this note written by you, Miss Khaled," Frew said, "it says Shadiah and her colleagues. Who are
your colleagues?” "What colleagues?" I asked. I paused briefly, then said: "It is quite possible that
there were others on the plane whom I didn't know. Why, did you find someone else?" I inquired
innocently. "Miss Khaled,” Frew said, "I have grey hair." I promptly interrupted, "That's not from
me. That's because you have a nagging wife.” Frew smiled to himself, "I think you are a very
lligent woman." "I reject your compliments," I shot back as the verbal battle continued. I tried
unsuccessfully to appear indignant and told the trio that as an Arab-Palestinian woman I refused to
accept compliments from Fascist pigs who held me as prisoner.

Frew shuffled through his collection of documents and retorted, "Why would an Arab-Palestinian
woman try to blow up a plane on which there were Palestinian Arabs?" I was not antagonised. "Oh,"
I said, "you have already decided that I am guilty of a crime that wasn't even committed before
giving me the benefit of a British trial in court.” "All the witnesses said you tried to blow up the
plane." "Mr. Frew," I said, "they are a bunch of Zionist liars. Besides, why don't you hold a public
inquiry and let every one of the witnesses be cross examined?" He cleverly interjected: "Do you
think you're a coward Miss Khaled?" "Look," I replied, "I had orders to seize the plane, not to blow
it up. 1 am no Kamikaze pilot. I care about people. If I wanted to blow up the plane no one could
have prevented me."

"Where did you board the plane? In Tel Aviv?" Frew inquired. "I boarded it at Schiphol airport in
Amsterdam.” "How many other hijackings did you plan?" "None." "Two others have taken place,”
he informed me. Surprised and pleased, I tried not to show any reaction to his statement, Then Frew
said to me, "The Israelis have asked for your extradition, Would you like to be extradited to Israel?"
I didn’t know the meaning of the word extradition and asked him to explain the implications. He
did, and added, If you're extradited the Israelis are likely to torture you.” "Well Mr, Frew, then you
know about Israel's torture chambers, brainwashing sessions, and physical shaming, That's good. I
am glad you know. I think others should too. Anyhow, if am extradited I will only be number

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‘twenty thousand and one. Just a statistic. I assure you, I won't break down under Zionist torture." "I
insist you're a very intelligent girl,” Frew declared. "I insist I do not accept your compliments. Give
me a cigarette and a drink of water please," I said humorously. In this relaxed atmosphere, I told the
officers that I had committed no crime against the British and I could see no reason why I was being
kept in a British jail. They said they didn't know either. I asked if any Israelis were also held in jail
"None" they said. I exploded: "Why not? Don't you know they executed my comrade in cold
blood." "Your colleague was killed in battle. The coroner's verdict says his death was “lawful
homicide’,” Frew pointed out. "Shame on the British courts,” I cried out. "How could they make
such a decision on the basis of biased evidence and without even interrogating me? It is the Star
Chamber all over again, This time it is directed from Tel Aviv and Washington." The atmosphere
became tense as I gazed furiously at each officer. I muttered, "That's British justice," as they filed
out. I was taken back to my cell. I had an intense headache that evening. The guards watched me
closely as I marched back and forth restlessly.

On September 9, Mr. Frew visited me once again. He asked where I would like to go if extradited. I
said to my homeland, Palestine. I demanded that I be released immediately and threatened dire
consequences if the British continued my detention, That very day a BOAC VC-10 was hijacked. I
knew my release was imminent. Mr. Frew returned to tell me that evening that I must have known
what was going on. I said, "The Front knows what it is doing. I need not wait for a recommendation
of clemency from a British jury."

On September 10, the ghost of Patrick haunted me. I couldn't stay my tears. I couldn't eat because
Patrick had died hungry; I remembered that every day and tried to stop eating to pacify myself. The
matron tried to calm me; she was a kindly woman and gave me helpful advice, but feelings of
sadness and anguish aren't something that can be erased by a few motherly words. I was cheered up
alittle however, when I learned that the PF was demanding my return in exchange for BOAC
passengers. Mr. Frew came in to enquire about Patrick's passport and asked: "Who was your
partner, Leila?” He had closed the door behind him. I said, "My name is not Leila, but Miss Leila
Khaled, a commando from the Popular Front. Is that clear Mr. Frew?" He was surprised that I was
being so formal. I chuckled and tantalised him further: "According to your own rules, you have no
right to be here in the absence of another female companion. By the way, when will [have the
pleasure of facing British justice?" Frew was confused, He mumbled a few incoherent words and
withdrew to reopen the door. He was somewhat apologetic as he asked if there was something he
could do for me. "Yes," I said, "I would like to knit sweaters for our commandos. Would you be
kind enough to provide me with some wool and needles?” He promised to try but didn't think the
rules would allow it. I requested a pencil and a piece of paper. He gave me a two-inch pencil.
Though I felt drowsy and had a toothache I penned my first note to Patrick.

Today is day four since we embarked on our immortal journey. Your spirit fills me with hope that
the cause we embraced is just and honourable. You have given your life for a people you didn't
know, for a people continents apart from your homeland, for a people who haven't seen your
photograph. Though I know you not, I know you more than any other man I encountered in my life
or any other hero I read or dreamt about. I always longed to know people who love others more
than themselves; I always admired men who sacrificed their lives for the cause of liberty; I always
adored people who walked naked before the sun not fearing its scorching rays and said no to the
enemies of light, life and progress. In dying for Palestine you have become the symbol that lightens
our oppression; you have also become the joyous burden that propels us onward to end that
oppression. In joining our struggle for dignity and peoplehood, you have given us a lesson in
international solidarity and brotherhood and cemented the bond of affection between the people of
Latin America and the people of Palestine. You wrote history by shedding your blood for others;
you united continents by your all-encompassing spirit; you ascended to the realm of Olympian gods
by your life-inspiring commitment. You are at once a Lafayette, a Byron, a Norman Bethune, a Che

86
Guevara - a Patrick Arguello, a martyr for Palestinian freedom. You are not dead. You live. You will
live forever! You are the patron saint of Palestine. In revolution,

Leila.

September 11 was a day for banter. It started with a visit from the envoy of Honduras, a corpulent,
moustached feudal lord, Mr. Frew introduced him as his excellency, the Consul of Honduras. He
asked, "How did you obtain this Honduran passport?" I answered contemptuously: "Did the Popular
Front disguise you and send you here as a fictitious banana republic ambassador?" His excellency
was infuriated. He departed like a vanquished Napoleon. What a sad state of affairs for officialdom,
for a Latin consul to be ridiculed and insulted by a Palestinian or a nobody hijacker. How
humiliating! Mr. Frew was appalled, but not surprised by my reaction. I blamed him for failing to
fulfil his promise of knitting material. He apologised and explained, "You are not allowed to have
sharp instruments in your possession.” He wanted to know if the Front would explode the plane
with the passengers as was reported by the "objective" British press that day. "Yes," I said
unhesitatingly. "What?" he asked, "have you no humanity?" "Humanity my foot!" I shouted. "You
should be ashamed to utter such a word in the West. If you have any integrity you'd remove that
word from your dictionaries and declare it a non English word." I started making a speech on
Zionism and imperialism and how the British vampired the Arab world, but Mr. Frew deflated me
this time, He interrupted, "Miss Leila Khaled, perhaps our government is imperialist. Please stop
your speech-making. I felt undercut and later asked my "bodyguards" why Mr. Frew didn't defend
the government. They explained that there were many members of the Labour Parry at Ealing who
‘were not necessarily sympathetic to the Conservative government.

On September 12, I tried to take a different tack after hearing that the imperialist planes had been
blown up. Since all kinds of strikes were going on in Britain, I thought my "bodyguards" should go
on strike in sympathy with their fellow workers. I suggested since they were "my prisoners" they
should stage a revolt and join their fellow workers on strike. As I was urging them to rebel Mr. Frew
walked in, He took a deep breath and said, "What are you up to now?" "Mr. Frew," I said, "these
prisoners deserve to be free." "What prisoners?" he enquired. "Those poor masses working night
and day here." "O.K. You win this time," he said paternally. As Mr. Frew sat checking his files I
decided to badger him, "I know the Home Office is violating British justice, habeas corpus and
other concepts of justice, but does the Ealing Hilton have to violate the laws of hygiene too Mr.
Frew?" He scratched his head and enquired further. I informed him that I hadn't had a bath in six
days. He quickly arranged for me to be marched to the fifth floor accompanied by four police
matrons who insisted on having me undress in their presence as each guarded a comer of the narrow
shower room.

September 13 was a bad day for me. I felt ill most of the day and couldn't sleep that night. The
doctor was called in. He pleaded with me to eat more than just a cheese sandwich and coffee and
gave me two sleeping tablets. They had a terrible effect on me. That night was a nightmare for
everybody except me. They thought I was about to die, but I surprised them and woke up feeling as
if my head weighed a ton. When I opened my eyes at five-thirty a.m, everyone was practically in
tears. That charming little matron was truly relieved and delighted to see me revive. It was apparent
that she had had a sleepless night as had most people around me.

The next two weeks I settled into an established routine. There were no further interrogations. I was
allowed to use the matron's rooms and to roam within a ten-yard radius without being followed.
Political issues in Jordan, especially after the seventeenth, preoccupied me and became the focal
point of my discussions with Frew and others. I was given a bundle of letters that had arrived at
Ealing: some denounced me; others supported the cause; one contained a marriage proposal. I was
not permitted to answer any of them, but I was permitted to write to my parents and some close

87
friends. I volunteered to translate the contents but Mr. Frew told me that Her Majesty's Government
had its own interpreters.

It didn't surprise me that a full-scale massacre was under way in Jordan, Isolated in a British cage,
however, I did not appreciate the magnitude and extent of Hussein's terror, It seemed, judging from
reports in the British press, that the incident was a continuation of the policy of harassment,
intimidation, and terror instituted in November of 1968 and continued sporadically since then,
Although it was obvious that the latest combat engulfed the whole country, it was not so obvious as
the final liquidation attempt on the part of the monarchy.

Many have alleged, without justification, that the PFLP precipitated the massacres by the Jordanian
regime of September 1970 with the multiple "hijackings” we undertook. Such a simple explanation
of the well-conceived plot on the part of the Jordanian authorities to eliminate the Palestinian
revolution cannot be accepted. The massacre of September and the subsequent mopping-up
operations that took place while the Arab states fulminated should convince everyone that, indeed,
the Arab kings and colonels regarded the Palestinian resistance as a dangerous movement that could
threaten their very regimes and engulf the whole region in an international civil war of the working
class versus the forces of oppression. One thing was made clear during those momentous months:
Hussein was prepared to invite Israel to take over "his kingdom’, rather than allow the resistance to
topple him, and America almost intervened to "rescue" its citizens and maintain Hussein in power.
The components in this drama were a power-hungry Hashemite ruling clique, prepared to commit
any treachery to keep the reins of power in its hand; general Arab silence, which can only be
interpreted as acquiescence to the massacre; and the American Zionist conspiracy hatched between
Golda Meir and Nixon in Washington.

On September 17, the British guards, whether on their own initiative or under instructions from
their superiors, urged me to ask for political asylum, To me it was a repugnant form of abdication. I
rejected the idea immediately. In fact, I demanded that I be released so that I could go and join my
comrades in Jordan, The British bided their time and negotiated as partners of the so-called "Berne
Five", under pressure from the Americans and the Israelis. I am certain the Germans, the Swiss and
the British would have exchanged hostages for our prisoners had it not been for Zionist and
American insistence on a unified front — an action, which, in effect, showed how little the
Europeans cared for their own citizens compared with those of Zionist Israel and the American
behemoth. I know that their justification for such callous deeds was that they were upholding
international law and morality and defending "innocent passengers", but let's not deceive ourselves;
the interests of Dick Nixon and Golda Meir were placed ahead of those of Britain, Germany, and
neutral" Switzerland.

The turmoil in Jordan disturbed me deeply. I tried to maintain my composure and act naturally, but
it was a difficult job. Mr. Frew was a daily visitor. He wondered why Moslems fought each other
instead of the enemy. I lectured him on the nature of class society and explained that the good little
British-manufactured King of Jordan was part of the enemy camp. Frew listened intently but like
most of his Western compatriots, he was unable to grasp the idea of social class and its historic
implications. He only accused me of being bitter. I said I was more then bitter, I was full of class
hatred and aspired for nothing less than the complete obliteration of the Jordanian monarchy and
retinue, Frew's prescription for the remedy of my class consciousness was a week's stay in
"democratic" Britain’ after my release. I said, "T'll be happy to stay in Britain until Christmas if I
were released immediately so as to enjoy the fruits of British democracy." Frew detected my
sarcastic tone, "Now," he said, "I wish you would go back to Jordan before I lose my wife.” "Tell
your wife not to worry, Mr. Frew. I have no intention of marrying a fatherly British cop. If | do
marry, it will be an Arab revolutionary or a simple peasant, not a British lord, not a Greek shipping
magnate, not an American industrial baron, Is that clear Mr. Frew?"

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1 followed the Jordanian civil war in the British press. When I began reading reports about the
"Syrian intervention”, I deduced from fragmented editorial comments that an Israeli-US invasion
was being contemplated. When, however, it was reported that the "Syrian column" had been
defeated by "brave" Jordanians and forced to withdraw, I realised that the regime was not on the
verge of dethronement. But when I saw Hussein and Arafat shake hands in the presence of kings
and presidents I knew the revolution was betrayed. At that moment, I am sure I could have
unhesitatingly gunned down every participant in that conference. I could no longer withhold my
fury, I could see the writing on the wall: the resistance was dead as a historic force. I truly cried for
the blood of martyrs in Jordan, the blood bartered away at the Cairo Hilton, the Kubbe Palace and
the Arab League Headquarters. I could not forgive the Arab League for the blood of Patrick, whose
body still lay in a British morgue while counter-revolutionary "peace" was signed. I knew the
fighters would repudiate the leadership and in time form their own revolutionary vanguard party. I
knew it had to be done; I knew the Front was going to do it. In the ensuing months, however, Arafat
and Co. still refused to understand that the Palestinian Arab revolution was in fundamental
contradiction to the Arab decadent social orders. Hussein crushed the resistance physically in Jordan
and drove the guerrillas out in July 1971, and the "resistance leaders”, with the exception of the
Popular Front and a few independents, accepted Saudi-Egyptian mediation and were still prepared
to negotiate with Jordan and embrace Hussein and Hassan,

Early on September 28, it was reported that President Nasser was dying. The news didn't strike me
as real nor did I fathom the implication of his impending death. I was still too frenzied over the
‘Arafat-Hussein accord to think clearly. Late in the day, however, it was reported that President
Nasser had died. I was stunned, emotionally paralysed. The feelings I had when Che and Ho died
retumed. This time perhaps more poignantly, for I was, as every Arab was at one time or other, an
admirer of Nasser. He was one of the greatest Arab leaders of the modern era. As a giant among
dwarfs, he symbolised everything noble, great and weak among the Arabs, He was from us and one
of us; he was a leader of men, I felt a part of me died with him. I was happy I had lived in the age of
Nasser. I will only be happier to live in a liberated Palestine,

Mr, Frew and those around me saw how sad I was. They couldn't understand why I should be so
distressed over the death of someone I had denounced the day before. They couldn't understand that
Nasser was the first champion of anti-imperialism in my world.

On September 29, Frew intimated that I might soon be released. I checked the newspapers closely
for clues as to when the last six hostages were going to be surrendered to the International Red

‘oss Committee. They finally were on the thirtieth of September, 1970. The moment the hostages
reached Cyprus, I was instructed to prepare for departure, There was no indication of my
destination, I bade my British friends farewell, kisses and all, and promised to send more customers
to the Ealing Hilton where clients have bodyguards and accommodation is free. At six-thirty, Mr.
Frew came and asked me to which country I would like to go, I said confidently, "The decision has
already been taken by my commanders. By the way, where am I being taken?" Frew didn't answer
and no one answered the question in the next few hours. I was told that since I was a soldier, I was
expected to abide by the rules as I was being moved out of Britain. I agreed and followed orders to
the letter, The matrons told me that people were lining up in the streets to see me, but they were
going to be sadly disappointed as I would be taken out lying, covered up in a van, I was surprised to
be accompanied by a whole convoy of police cars and motorcycles. I was allowed one quick look at
the crowd assembled around Ealing police station before being taken to a military airport. As I
boarded the helicopter I flashed a victory sign to the photographers. I said goodbye to Mr. Frew and
promised to visit the "Ealing" again, "No," he cried out, "come to Britain, not to the “Ealing’.” We
travelled by helicopter for about an hour and then landed at another nameless airport, I noted to the
captain that helicopters are more difficult to hijack than regular planes. He didn't appreciate my
sense of humour, Then we boarded a Comet for an unannounced destination. I still couldn't find out

89
where I was going, Then I heard a member of the crew saying "there is another woman to come”. I
knew instantly it had to be Amina Dhahbour who was being held by the Swiss in Zurich. Suddenly
we descended in Munich. The airport was a garrison, From my window I counted the armoured
cars, I was ordered to take the last seat on the plane, Three brothers, from the Action Organisation,
Mufid Abdul Rahman, Hanabi and Nashaat, were brought aboard, I knew none of them and we
were not allowed to shake hands. Next stop was Zurich where my inspiration, Amina and comrades
Ibrahim Tewfiq and Mohammad Abu Al-Haifa came aboard. I wanted at least to hug Amina, but it
was not permitted. We just greeted each other from afar, Each of the passengers had his own
bodyguard. None was handcuffed. The night of September 30 was a long one. The journey to Cairo
was the longest I ever endured. I slept periodically, We had to remain seated at all times,

We arrived in Cairo, October 1, 1970, at eight a.m. The city was in mourning for the death of
President Nasser. The British, German and Swiss consuls met us at the airport, Each one of us was
dutifully taken in hand by "his" consul and tumed over to the Egyptian authorities. Protocol
reigned. I was astonished to find out that Patrick's body wasn't with us, but there were no British
around to denounce or Arab leaders to threaten, We were taken to an Egyptian "guesthouse" and
held there for eleven days. We were told that we were being held there for "security reasons".

On October 12, we were flown to Damascus and each commando rejoined his or her unit. Before
returning to Beirut, however, I visited my friend Colonel Ali Zaza, the man who had accused me of
working for Egyptian intelligence in the TWA affair.

"Colonel," I said, as I barged into his office, "I trust you are convinced now that the Popular Front
and [ are nobody's tools." "Iam," he said. "Wouldn't you like to keep me in your guesthouse again?”
"No, Leila, this time you can be my guest for lunch." "No thank you, colonel," I said. "I have to
report back to my unit in Beirut within two hours. See you on the battlefield in Palestine!"

I went to Beirut in mid-October and held a press conference at Al-Hadaf’s office pointing out that
Patrick was murdered by the Israelis and that the British excused the crime that took place in their
airspace. To this date, the British have refused to put their "evidence" before a competent authority
for inspection and the autopsy report remains confidential.

For the next few weeks, I spent most of my time giving press interviews and preparing to marry a
fellow fighter, Bassim, an Iraqi Arab revolutionary. We got married on November 26, 1970, spent a
week together and then returned to our separate tasks

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PART THREE: Conclusion

8 The Fascist Tide and the Arab Revolution

Against me he is a lion, against the enemy he is an ostrich. The Jordanian soldiers carry themselves
like lions when it is a question of the unarmed Palestinian refugees, but when the time came they
did not know how to die in defence of Jerusalem.

President Houari Boumedienne of the Republic of Algeria

‘THE SUPREME OBJECTIVE OF THE PALESTINE LIBERATION Movement is the total
liberation of Palestine, the dismantlement of the Zionist state apparatus, and the construction of a
socialist society in which both Arabs and Jews can live in peace and harmony. To achieve our
objective we have adopted the strategy of people's war and protracted armed struggle. We have no
other alternative; we see no other possible option to dislodge the Zionists from Palestine. Our
struggle will be long and arduous because the enemy is powerful, well-organised, and well
sustained from abroad. We shall win because we represent the wave of the future, because we are
the immense majority of the oppressed, because mankind is on our side, and above all because we
are determined to achieve victory.

The goal of the Arab states is "the elimination of the consequences of aggression" or the restoration
of the status quo ante, not the liberation of the whole of Palestine. The Arab states contend that they
can force Israel to withdraw to the June 4, 1967 borders by a judicious combination of diplomacy
and conventional warfare, not by armed struggle and revolutionary ideology. They stress the
"political solution", and accept mediation by the UN and the major powers as a fait accompli, They
try to persuade their American and Soviet friends to pressure Israel to withdraw. They also
periodically engage in spasmodic military actions to demonstrate their determination to regain the
occupied territories, Israel still holds every inch of territory it conquered in 1967, and in all
likelihood it will continue to do so, barring profound changes in Arab and American policies. To
secure the home front, the Arab governments have strengthened and modernised their intelligence
services; both "progressives" and "conservatives" are collaborating effectively to stem the tide of
revolution at home.

The aim of America is "regional stability" under its ascendant power. In this age of neo-colonialism,
America has its storming gendarme in Israel and its militia in the reactionary and military cliques of
the Arab world. If its calculations go awry, however, America wouldn't find it difficult to intervene
directly to protect its "citizens and interests" or to help a local potentate ward off the "menace of
communism", America is firmly entrenched in the world of black gold; it has no intention of ever
sacrificing the flow of bullion into its banks. Indeed, it is prepared to risk nuclear war to keep us
"free" and "safe for democracy". America doesn't love the naked fakirs of the Arab world, nor does
it care for every little forgotten Jew the world over. America cares for America, and America is Wall
Street, the Pentagon, their agents and manipulators in the government bureaucracy and the hordes of
priests, journalists and professors which populate the churches, the media, and the universities.

The aim of the Soviet Union is the neutralisation of the US and its eventual expulsion from the
Middle East. As an advocate of co-existence, the peaceful transition to socialism, and the non-

1
capitalist road to development, the USSR supports the "Arab national regimes" in their anti-
imperialist struggle, provides them with loans for industrial projects, and weapons to fight the
Israeli conquerors. As a sponsor of the "political solution", the Soviet Union recognises the
legitimacy of Israel, respects its sovereignty and the territorial integrity of states, and demands the
“impartial” implementation of UN resolutions, The Soviet Union is a champion of "peace and co-
existence”, not of people's war and revolutionary violence. With the "progressive" Arab regimes, the
Soviet Government stands for the domestication, not the elimination, of the resistance and the Arab
revolution. America, Israel, and Arab reactionaries stand on the other hand for the liquidation of the
resistance and the obliteration of the Arab revolution.

The overriding objective of Israel is the peace of the bayonet; the "peace" of conquest, the dictated
and imposed "peace" of the "defensive" forces of Dayan; the "peace" of North American and West
European rabbis and their congregations. Briefly, the peace of America, Israel and Zionism is the
peace of total destruction of the Palestinian people, the domination of neighbouring states, the
perpetuation of Zionist supremacy in the Middle East. Since Israel cannot rely forever on the
generosity of world Jewry, the blank cheque at the Export-Import Bank of America, or expect a new
kind of German reparations, it needs new guarantees to achieve and maintain a self-sustaining and
viable economy; it needs a continuing influx of immigrants and dollars; and it needs a "peace with
tension" to obtain the support and concern of friend and ally. Therefore, Israel favours the present
conditions of unchallenged dominance in the absence of a more durable, "contractual peace".
However, Israel would be prepared to sign a "peace treaty", forgo the possibility of further
territorial conquest and withdraw to the June 4 borders, with the exception of Jerusalem, under two
conditions: (a) access to Arab markets; (b) ownership of the oil and mineral resources of the Gulf of
Suez. Nothing less will induce Israel to withdraw or make serious territorial concessions other than
total defeat or American decisive pressure. The latter two possibilities are out of the question,
because the Arab armies are incapable of waging the kind of war required, and if they were, both
the Soviet Union and the US would not permit them to undertake it, Secondly, the US has not
exerted enough pressure to force Israel to withdraw. Indeed, if anything, the US has implicitly
endorsed the territorial conquests of Zionism, by the continuous "sale" of Phantoms and Skyhawks,
and the outflow of millions of American tax-free dollars. Thus the state of "neither war nor peace"
will continue into the foreseeable future whatever ad hoc settlement may be attained under UN or
great power auspices.

In spite of the apparent differences among the US, the Soviet Union, the Arab states and Israel, a
convergence of interests in the spring and summer of 1970 enabled them to coalesce either overtly
or covertly. The implicit accord they reached manifested itself in what was termed the Rogers Peace
Proposals-proposals which entailed a cease-fire agreement between the Arab states and Israel and
acceptance of the UN resolutions concerning "peace and security" in the Middle East. The full
significance of the accord was revealed in September of 1970 when King Hussein proceeded to
eliminate the resistance in the southern Jordan as his part of the agreement in Rogers’ peace. In mid-
August, Hussein's target was Irbid, a city in the North where "refugee" and resistance camps were
mercilessly attacked, people killed and bodies mutilated. The talk of forthcoming Armageddon was
in the air; everything foreboded ill for the resistance, unless it seized the initiative and decided to
settle who ruled in Jordan. Skirmishing continued in Amman, Jerush, Zerga, and Irbid. Hussein was
in hot pursuit of the resistance: daily he tested its will to fight. The resistance was preoccupied with
its own pre-eminence and power; it expressed its fearlessness in bombastic declarations, but agreed
upon no contingency plans. Very few anticipated the massive barbarity and bestiality of Hussein
and Co. Indeed, the resistance leadership thought it would muddle through the gathering storm and
perhaps emerge unscathed and possibly even strengthened by Hussein's direct assault. Fateh's right-
wing leadership and other sectors of the movement could not conceive that Hussein was out to
decapitate and annihilate the res

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During this period of internal dismay, disarray, and disintegration, I was on my way to Europe to
carry out a minor aspect of the Front's offensive strategy to topple Hussein, But he and his CLA
advisers pre-empted us on September 1, 1970, He put his well-established and well-known plan into
effect: he disclosed an assassination plot and attributed it to the Popular Front hoping to split the
ranks of the resistance and pit the fighters against each other, The Western and Arab press dutifully
reported Hussein's charges and distinguished between "honest" revolutionaries who wanted to fight
Israel, and "terrorists" who were trying to precipitate a civil war in Jordan, The plot unfolded
rapidly as Hussein scomfully told Iraq not to meddle in Jordanian internal affairs and appealed to
the great powers, including the Soviet Union, to restrain the "hotheads", all the while drawing their
attention to Iraq's threatened intervention if Hussein did not stop firing on the guerrillas. The Arab
League Council was called into an emergency session: it appealed for an immediate cessation of
hostilities (September 5 and 6) and reactivated the four-nation committee, established as a result of
the June fighting to oversee the implementation of the July 10 accord between Hussein and the
resistance. Meanwhile, the Palestine National Congress failed to come to grips with the issue; it
merely conducted another session of poetic oratory with no binding decisions, The resistance was
hemmed in; the leadership still refused to act in concert. Then came the epoch-making strategy of
the Popular Front; all the enemies of the revolution were outflanked on September 6, 1970.
Hussein's authority was immediately shattered; Israel's European and American allies were put on
the defensive; the Palestinian and Arab people rejoiced and applauded our deed; the world stood
shocked and forced to take heed of Palestine, Palestine was on the lips of every one the world over
for a week. Our Six Day War began: for the first time in modern history the Palestinians were on the
centre stage and we were directing the play. We tasted the meaning of sovereignty; we reaped the
fruit of the summer harvest; we gloried in the joy of nationhood; we became a people for a whole
week. But nobody congratulated us openly. All condemned us "universally". But we were oblivious
to the reactions of an insensitive world whose tender conscience did not have room for the
Palestinians - a world that had built a shrine to Zion and couldn't afford a plaque for Palestine. Our
Zionist prosecutors had a niche in the Western pantheon; we were a past memory for archaeologists
to explore; the world sat in judgment on a subject it recognised as a "refugee"; the refugee said no
to charity, no to pity, no to benevolent despotism-but YES to Palestine, to liberation, to revolution!

The seizure of British, Swiss and American planes turned things topsy-turvey for the enemy. It was
no longer able to dictate "peace" terms. What is startling, however, is that the Western proponents of
“humanity and peace” resorted to the threat and use of violence in order to safeguard their
“sovereign rights”. They initially pressured Hussein into carrying out their will which he did in an
11-day war of annihilation against the resistance.

Here is the testimony of Amaud de Borchgrave of Newsweek (October 5, 1970, p. 38); "In almost a
quarter of a century of foreign reporting, I cannot recall anything remotely similar to what I have
seen in Jordan. I have witnessed intertribal massacres in Africa and the slow steady blood-letting in
Vietnam. But there has been nothing like the urban devastation- both of life and property-that
‘Amman has suffered."

When Hussein appeared to be failing at the beginning of the onslaught, he with his Israeli and
American allies concocted the Syrian intervention myth in order to facilitate the planned
intervention of both America and Israel in Jordan. The evidence for the myth of course, was the
Palestine Liberation Army's forward thrust from Syria (September 20), which almost annihilated the
Fortieth Brigade, Hussein’s pride, Admittedly, Syria did not hamper the PLA effort and it probably
approved of it and supported it, But the PLA's foray into Jordan provided the US and Israel with the
pretext to threaten intervention of their own unless "Syrian forces withdrew". The whole plot must
have been well thought out when Golda Meir arrived "unexpectedly" in Washington on the
seventeenth, the same day that Hussein planned to pulverise the resistance. Mrs. Meir was closeted
with Nixon and both "amicably" agreed to continue their discussions in the light of developments in

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Jordan. On September 18, the Chicago Sun Times reported on a long "private" meeting its editorial
board had with Nixon the night before: the report said that America was prepared to intervene
directly "should Syria and Iraq enter the conflict and tip the military balance against the government
forces loyal to King Hussein". The cat was out of the bag, two days before the alleged Syrian
itervention was supposed to have taken place. Meir and Nixon decided to intervene. Therefore, to
give credence to the myth of Syrian intervention, Secretary of State William Rogers pointedly asked
the Soviet Union (September 20) to urge Syria to pull back and issued a statement which read in
part:

‘We've been informed ... that tank forces have invaded Jordan from Syria during the night and have
moved toward Ramtha. We have also been informed that Jordanian armour is resisting this invasion,

We condemn this irresponsible and imprudent intervention of Syria into Jordan, This action carries
with it the danger of broadened conflict.

We call upon the Syrian government to end immediately this intervention in Jordan, and we urge all
other concerned governments to impress upon the government of Syria the necessity of
withdrawing the forces which have invaded Jordan.

Rogers, the underrated and soft-spoken arch-imperialist, was of the opinion that Syria had no right
to intervene in Jordan, but that he and Abba Eban had a right to do so, at the request of the
established authority of King Hussein, Anyhow, whatever Mr. Rogers had to say was merely the tip
of the iceberg of America's planned Operation Brass Strike, which was intended to restore Hussein
to his throne had he fallen or had he been on the verge of falling. According to the Times-Post news
service (September 2g), the 82nd Airborne Division began moving into full alert at Fort Bragg, on
September 20.

On orders from President Nixon, the signal directed the 14,000 paratroopers here to get ready for
possible use in Jordan. Their mission: if so ordered, to descend on Amman and rescue 54 air-
hijacked hostages, including 38 Americans, and some 400 other Americans living in the guerrilla-
besieged Jordanian capital. Simultaneously alerted were about 2,000 troops in US army units in
West Germany, ships of the Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean, and 1,500 US marines aboard
ships headed for the embattled area.

ult

The implication was that, while the 82nd would concentrate on a lightning-quick, in-and-out rescue,
the others might be sent in if King Hussein's army could not hold off the Palestinian guerrillas and
Syrian and Iraqi forces supporting them.

In America's "open" society and "free" press, the Times-Post dispatch summarised the plans thus:

The 200-plus-man initial ready force could go to an intermediate stop for refuelling-maybe the
Azores, Spain, West Germany or some other reasonable site-and then swoop down aboard their
500-mile-per-hour, 5,000-mile range G-141s on Amman's International airport. If possible, they
could land the planes. If the airport was insecure, the force could parachute down, equipment and
all, and capture the field

With the field secure and more increments arriving-not only men and guns but helicopters carried
inside big transports -the assault force could be ready to move out within hours.

Helicopters could be prepared for flight. Then they could attack specified areas, where the people to
be rescued were, and, in the classic Vietnam tactic, hold off attackers with their heavy firepower
while disgorging men who would then fan out to build a perimeter defence, Amman's few open
spaces, like parks, were marked off as landing zones.

For such "intelligent" and "heroic" deeds, America was relying on Israeli intelligence, the speed and
fire power of its armoury and the "love" of the Jordanian people for Richard Nixon, Spiro Agnew,

94
Moshe Dayan and Golda Meir, Moreover, America's planned action to maintain Hussein in power
was disclosed by the New York Times (October 8, 1970) on page one, in a story that also implicated
the Soviet Union and the Arab States. Here is a summary report of that long in-depth article:

WASHINGTON-The United States and Israel! were preparing to take co-ordinated military action in
the recent Jordanian crisis, according to US and Israeli sources.

This plan envisioned an Israeli attack on the Syrian tank forces that had entered Jordan if it
appeared that King Hussein's army was incapable of stopping them. In this event, the United States
would have used the Sixth Fleet and other units to safeguard Israel's rear and flanks from Egyptian
or Soviet attacks from the Suez Canal area,

The plan was not put into effect because the Syrian tanks, harassed by King Hussein's jets and
armour, began retreating into Syria. Informed sources here believe that it was the combination of
Israel's troop buildup plus the US military alert-both well publicised-that sobered the Syrians and
the Soviet Union.

President Nixon assumed personal direction of the intense diplomatic and military activity as the
crisis approached its climax.
The bond between the US and Israel in this crisis was their joint determination that King Hussein

must not be overthrown by outside intervention because they assumed he would be replaced by a
regime closely linked to Moscow.

An urgent message from King Hussein asking the United States and to consider what

military support they could provide him gave impetus to the planning.

But pethaps an equally strong force for quick action was the feeling in Washington that Israel would
consider itself compelled to strike the Syrian forces if they continued to penetrate into Jordan in
support of the guerrillas who were challenging King Hussein's authority.

Another more publicised factor was concern about 400 US citizens and 54 hostages, including 38
Americans, in the hands of Palestinian guerrillas in Jordan at the time.

And, as if Hussein has not been sufficiently exposed as an imperialist-Zionist agent, Time Magazine
came out with a full page account (November 23, 1970, p. 34) describing his relations with Israel
since 1968 and reporting that the tenth meeting had just been held in the Arava wilderness north of
Elat between Hussein and Yigal Allon, Israel's Deputy Prime Minister. In an atmosphere of
amiability, Hussein, according to Time, informed Allon in a ninety-minute dialogue that his throne
was secure, but the time was not ripe for unilateral discussions. The Time report concerning the
crux of the matter and its interpretative comment was as follows

Even so, one result of the border meeting is that broader negotiations with representatives of other
Arab states can be expected to follow.

Turning to the question of the guerrillas; the two leaders agreed that the fedayeen were a nuisance to
both countries and that co-ordination was necessary to neutralise them, The King received promises
of Israeli help.

Hussein and Allon also agreed to expand economic relations. At the same time, however, Hussein
protested that Mrs. Meir was undercutting him by observing during her latest US visit that
Palestinian statehood was only a question of re-drawing Jordan's boundaries. The King was
prepared to grant Palestinian autonomy of a sort, he said, but under his rule, and not as the nucleus
of an independent Palestinian state,

The civil war in Jordan was not an incidental phenomenon. It was part of America's global strategy

95
to reverse the tide of history and to eliminate liberation movements everywhere. It was part of a war
of reaction and suppression whose victims have been, in the main, the leaders and movements of the
Third World since the Second World War. Since most r tance movements have either been
defeated, undermined or contained, with the exception of the Vietnamese nationalists, it was
iperative that the voices of revolution be stilled, or at least weakened in Palestine. Thus came the
June War of 1967 that was intended as the grand finale in America’s attempt to restore "sanity and
order" in the world and rid mankind of the contagious virus of liberty and revolution. The attempt
failed temporarily, but in 1970-71 the Fascist tide once again flooded the Arab world: the
consequences are not difficult to discern and evaluate.

The immediate victim in the all-encompassing war of Fascism was the resistance whose power,
prestige, and effectiveness were eroded by the retreat of Fateh’s right-wing leadership; they walked
sheepishly to Hussein's slaughter-house with the connivance of Arab regimes. And when the final

n's
assault came in July 1971, another fruitless Arab summit meeting was convened. Hussein
imprisoned 2,300 guerrillas and drove the rest of the movement completely out of the Ajloun Jerash
area, No strongholds were left for the movement; its former headquarters offices were in ruins in
Amman and elsewhere in Jordan, Phase one of the revolution ~ revolutionism without ideology
was dead.

‘As America extended its influence and spread its wings of annihilation anew in the Middle East, the
comrades-in-arms of President Nasser-"the Soviet wing" of Ali Sabri and Sami Sharaf-were charged
with high treason (May 13, 1971) and removed from their strategic positions in the Egyptian state
apparatus and the Arab Socialist Union, President Sadat and his "brilliant" mentor, Mohammad
Hassanein Heikal moved closer to Washington and slowly detached themselves from the Soviet
Union in order to redress the balance in favour of "non-alignment" and to reintegrate the middle
classes into Egyptian society and improve its relations with the West. The cease fire continued, no
actions on the Suez front took place as the re-Egyptianisation of Arab Egypt commenced in earnest
in the aftermath of the upheaval.

In less than two months after the Egyptian bombshell Hussein intensified his incessant attac!
the guerrillas. To the eternal shame of the Arab world, about one hundred Palestinian guerrillas took
refuge in occupied Palestine and placed their fates in the hands of Dayan rather than die at the hands
of King Hussein, The King proudly stated on July 18: "We had no choice but to act against the
commandos because they became a nuisance to many people and to the armed forces. The fighting
is finished. This is final. Now there is no problem and attempts are being made to bring them
together and achieve a better solution. If need be, we are all fedayeen against the Israelis.” Asked if
there were any new agreements with the guerrillas Hussein stated "The time has gone when the
commandos could act according to their whim, The time has come for the state to determine the
areas where they must stay. They must also respond to the state's instructions." In other words,
Hussein wanted a guerrilla movement to serve his and America's private interests and to help him
recover "his" lost territory and keep the Palestinians in check.

$s on

While Hussein's treachery was going on, a spark of hope appeared in the skies of the Arab
homeland. In July 1971 the Hashem Attah movement seized power in the Sudan and proclaimed the
first Arab Workers' Republic. By July 22, Sadat and Qaddafi had bared their teeth and "heroically"
abolished the republic. They restored Numeiry to power and instigated a communist witch-hunt
throughout the Arab World. To camouflage their deeds and create a diversion for the masses, Sadat,
Qaddafi and Assad formed the Federation of Arab Republics on September 1, allegedly as a first
step to "Arab unity” but in fact, as a means of safeguarding their regimes from revolution.

Thus the present Arab ruling cliques returned to the positions held by their predecessors on the eve
of 1948: Islamic fundamentalism, class collaboration, anti-communism. It would seem that the Arab
ruling classes would rather embrace Zionism, live under the yoke of American imperialism and

96
retard the historic evolution of their societies, than submit to the will of the masses, abdicate power,
or let other forces of progress lead the revolution. The petit bourgeoisie of the Arab world has
become a spent historic force; it is incapable of coping with such crucial issues as oil, Israel,
poverty. Its approach was revealed in Sadat's speech, on July 23, 1971, the nineteenth anniversary
of the Egyptian revolution: he singled out the Popular Front for attack and contempt, declared war
on Israel five times and withdrew twenty-five times and applauded King Feisal for his moderation
and statesmanship. No reference was made to the abolition of poverty, the struggle against
imperialism, or the liberation of Palestine. Sadat's historic speech made it clear that the principal
contradiction was not imperialism, but the revolution, He therefore formed a new axis with Feisal
and decided to become the new arbiter of Palestinian and Arab fortunes, Both are now trying to
arrange for a rapprochement between the "honest" resistance groups and Hussein, and they have
persuaded the Executive Committee of the PLO to go along, with the exception of the Popular
Front.

In September-October, 1971, the resistance negotiated with Hussein in Jedda under Feisal’s
auspices. The Popular Front, in conformity with the will of the fighters, disclosed that the Executive
Committee had agreed to conciliation (September 8, 1971) and denounced the so-called mediation
attempts of the personal representative of Feisal and Sadat, With this exposure ends the story of
Arabs in action and reaction with regard to twenty-three years of Palestinian Diaspora. But there is
a ray of hope on the horizon: the people no longer believe their leaders, the underground forces are
multiplying in number, and the Popular Front is deepening its roots-it is still the hope for the future
of the Palestinian people.

Leilia Khaled, 1971

97

Leilia Khaled, 2002

Since this book was completed Leila Khaled has been doing "mass political work", organising the
guerrilla camps and contriving to recruit supporters. She and I work closely together in the
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Now that Leila is known throughout the world, her
picture having appeared in every western newspaper, we are not likely to permit her in the
foreseeable future to participate in foreign, political or military missions. Her role is now to work
inside the Arab world for the day when our people can once again return to their homeland,

George Hajar
February 1973